Inicijal. Časopis za srednjovekovne studije

Primary tabs

Initial is a multidisciplinary review of medieval studies intended for publishing contributions from all academic fields pertaining to the area of Southeastern Europe and the Mediterranean in the Middle Ages. This includes not only papers discussing new theoretical approaches in medieval studies or interpreting so-called „major issues“, but also those focusing on narrower, more specialized fields of research. However, with regard to the character of the review authors should craft their material to appeal to a wider audience of medievalists, providing the necessary context to readers who may not be so well-versed in the particular subject. Editions and translations of medieval sources may also be submitted for publication, especially if they are an essential component of a wider study.

Initial is open for publication of academic critiques and reviews of all medievalist monographs, periodical publications, and individual articles, as well as editions of medieval sources. Keeping track of academic life through reports on various gatherings, meetings, lectures, and field research is also an important segment of this journal’s profile.
Publisher: The Centre for Advanced Medieval Studies
Homepage
CEEOL
ISSN: 2334-8003


Pages

Старији препис велике повеље цара Душана Дубровнику
Старији препис велике повеље цара Душана Дубровнику
The paper offers the first complete edition of the older copy of the long and elaborate charter issued to the city of Dubrovnik by the Serbian emperor Stefan Dušan on September 20, 1349. An analysis of the copy’s orthographic characteristics and handwriting confirms the earlier view that it was written by Give de Parmegano, Dubrovnik’s official Slavic scribe from 1348 to 1363. Following an earlier observation that a dorsal note on the copy was written by the same hand that wrote the original of the 1357 confirmation of Dušan’s charter issued by his son and successor Uroš, a thorough three-way orthographic and syntactic comparison established that Uroš’s confirmation was in fact written from Parmegano’s copy. Since it is known that Dušan kept an original of his 1349 document for himself, this raises questions regarding the archiving of documents in the Serbian imperial chancery. On the other hand, Uroš’s scribe demonstrates great confidence and capability in transforming the text of Parmegano’s copy into a confirmation charter, also supplementing it with a proem and the Serbian variant of the logos formula to give it the appearance of an imperial chrysobull. Finally, evidence provided by traces of sealing and a lengthy dorsal note in Italian indicate that the copy also saw extensive use after 1357, most probably in the 1370s and 1380s, when Dubrovnik sought and received confirmations of the privileges granted by Dušan from the various regional lords who rose to power after the disintegration of the Serbian Empire.
Унутрашњи хоризонт сопства Светог Августина
Унутрашњи хоризонт сопства Светог Августина
This essay is dedicated to the analysis of the philosophical aspect of St. Augustine’s thought, in the sense that St. Augustine, besides being one of the thinkers who defined Christian thought, also figures as a redefiner of earlier philosophical thought in the new, Christian context. Through this process, themes and contents inherited from ancient philosophy were being adopted and reshaped from the Christian perspective, thereby directly refining the understanding of the Christian position itself. The analysis offered in this paper attempts to show what exactly is this Christian position and how it enables fruitful philosophical thought. Analysis is focused on Augustine’s determination of the inner self horizon, which not only represents an entirely new motif, unknown to ancient philosophy, but also provides insight into the shifting of thought towards new philosophical positions based on the Revelation. The main subjects of analysis are the inward turn, the structure of cognitive faculties of the human being, as well as the methodological aspects of this process. First, Augustine’s quest for the definition and fulfillment of his personal self is revealed as the integral part of his quest for God, both in his pre-Christian and Christian years: only out of the perspective of the inward turn can these quests be fulfilled. Then, this inward turn is more precisely and more thoroughly investigated through the analysis of the structure of human cognitive faculties, resulting in two different, yet similar inward turns, both constitutive for the foundation of the self and innovative in their methods. Finally, Augustine’s self is to be founded in its relationship with God, which is not merely ontological, but should govern every aspect of human life. As a result, the threefold structure of human cognitive faculties stands for three different modes of human existence, as well as of self-knowledge and self-determination. Therefore, Augustine’s self is presented as the place, topos of new Christian thought, which is the only possible position of thinking for a Christian and thus the new position of philosophy, as promulgated by St. Augustine.
Хоризма бугарског цара Јована Асена II Дубровнику
Хоризма бугарског цара Јована Асена II Дубровнику
The article contains the edition, translation, commentary and photograph of the horismos of Bulgarian ruler John Asen II (1218–1241) for the city of Ragusa (Dubrovnik), in which rights and privileges of merchants from this maritime commune are being guaranteed in all the regions under the Tsarʼs rule. Based on the list of regions mentioned as belonging to the Bulgarian Empire, it can be concluded that the document must have originated after 9 March 1230, the date of the battle of Klokotnica, when Asenʼs state was considerably extended towards the south and southwest at the expense of the defeated emperor of Thessaloniki, Theodor Doukas Komnenos Angelos. It is highly probable that the agile-minded businessmen of Ragusa were quick to grasp the changed political reality and didn’t wait long to obtain commercial privileges for their community from the newly inaugurated most powerful ruler of Southeast Europe.
Хрисовуља бугарског цара Јована Александра манастиру Зографу (март 1342, индикт X)
Хрисовуља бугарског цара Јована Александра манастиру Зографу (март 1342, индикт X)
The article contains the edition, translation, commentary and photograph of the chrysobull of Bulgarian ruler John Alexander (1331–1371) for the Athonite monastery of Zographou, dating from March 1342, indiction X, confirming to the Bulgarian convent the possession of the village of Chandax in the valley of the Lower Strymon. Watermills located in the settlement and its vicinity were to become objects of protracted disputes and litigations with the Chilandar monastery in the course of 14th century. The aforementioned village was, in fact, given to the Bulgarian monks by the chrysobull of Byzantine Emperor John V Palaeologus (1341–1391), issued in January of the same year, while John Alexander only explains in his document how he pleaded with the Emperor to endow his compatriots.
Четири исправе о поседима Хрвоја Вукчића у Дубровнику
Четири исправе о поседима Хрвоја Вукчића у Дубровнику
The paper contains a critical edition (text, translation, description, diplomatic analysis, historical circumstances) of three Latin documents of the Cathedral Chapter of Zagreb, issued on request of Doroteja Kladuška (later Brezovička), the daughter of Balša Hercegović and granddaughter of Hrvoje Vukčić. The documents are kept in the National Archives in Dubrovnik, series Miscellanea saeculi XV, subseries Litterae scriptae dominationi Ragusii. In addition to this, the paper also contains the edition and commentary of a Cyrillic letter kept in the same archive, concerning the same matter. The main legal effect of these documents was to give authorisation to envoys to collect money from the proceeds that Doroteja was entitled to, based on the lease of her half of her grandfather’s and father’s possessions in Dubrovnik (Ragusa). These procurae are at the same time statements about her ownership of the house, as well of the land and vineyards possessed by Hrvoje and Balša and inherited by Balša’s daughters – Katarina (the wife of Bosnian knez Tvrtko Borovinić) and Doroteja. In the first Latin document (issued on 24 March 1433), Doroteja is mentioned as the wife of Šimun Kladuški, in the second (issued on 6 May 1434) as his widow, and in the third (of 7 February 1439) as the wife of Ivaniš (Ivan) Brezovički. It has been established that the Cyrillic letter, hitherto imprecisely dated to 1434 based on an accompanying note, was almost certainly issued on 19 April 1433, and went in pair with the first Cathedral Chapter document from March 1433. Based on newly found sources, the views of earlier historians have been supplemented and corrected. It was found that Doroteja’s income was received, at least until the first decades of the second half of the 16th century, also by the Šubić Peranski family – descendants of her daughter Margareta Kladuška.
„Заборављени“ ктитори у средњовековној Србији
„Заборављени“ ктитори у средњовековној Србији
This paper is dedicated to the analysis of the charters of Serbian rulers in which the ktetors were not mentioned, although they were probably known to the publisher of the documents. The author also used inscriptions and research of art historians to try to answer why this occured. It seems that some ktetors were omitted because they were unfaithful to the ruler. The penalty for this violation was the confiscation of property, including the monastic foundations of the offenders. This scenario is certain in the case of čelnik Radič who was not mentioned as the founder of monastery Vraćevšnica in the charter of Despot Đurađ and Despot Lazar in 1456. With somewhat less probability it can be assumed that the ktetor of the church in Lipljan was not mentioned by King Stefan Dušan for the same reason. These examples point to the existence of the „damnatio memoriae“ phenomenon in medieval Serbia. In other cases the reasons for the absence of ktetor’s names were not of political nature. It can be assumed that some noblemen did not leave descendants who would claim their property which then became, including their foundations as well, part of the royal belongings. Furthermore, it should be kept in mind that some founders had bequeathed their endowments to other, often larger church institutions (e.g. Athonite monasteries). Therefore it should not be surprising that they were forgotten after a relatively long period of time as in the case of the nun Marija. In the end, it must be emphasized that the lack of sources often proved an obstacle in discerning the reasons as to why certain persons were not mentioned as ktetors.

Pages