Istorija 20. veka
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Journal Istorija 20.veka (History of the 20th Century) is continually published biannually from 1983. Journal considers previously unpublished manuscripts of articles and scholarly contributions whose object is contemporary history of Serbia, former Yugoslavia and the Balkans in European and global context. Articles are expected to be interdisciplinary, based on original archival researches. Journal publishes articles that critically investigate social, cultural, economic and intellectual developments of 20th century. All received manuscripts are a subject to a double-blind external peer review process. In order to be accepted the manuscripts need to be deemed publishable by the editorial board and two anonymous reviewers. Articles are published in Serbian and English, and in other languages should the need arise.
Journal is included in SCOPUS, ERIH PLUS index (European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences), Central and Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL) and Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ). According to the categorization of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia, since 2015 it carries the category “National Journal of International Importance (M24)”. History of the 20th Century is an Open Access Journal.
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ISSN 0352-3160
eISSN 2560-3647
doi 10.29362/ist20veka
Pages
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- "Nastanak" jugoslovensko-egipatskih odnosa
- The article examines the development of political, economical, military and cultural relations between SFRY and Egypt from 1945. until 1955. It emphasizes the significance of the Yugoslav break-up with USSR and the coup d’etat in Egypt as the key preconditions for the consequent improvement of the relations between the two countries in 1953. and 1954. Apart of the account on the political moves in the highest level, the article analyzes the operationalisation of those policies and the functioning of diplomatical apparatus and it also tracks down the emergence of the ideological bases of political cooperation between Yugoslavia and Egypt.
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- "RASNA REVOLUCIJA" NA EVROPSKOM JUGOISTOKU 1920–1941
- The advent of national-socialist Germany in the second half of the 1930’s was strengthening antisemitism in European countries, primarily the ones with revisionist agenda. Institutionalization of antisemitism in these countries was conditioned not only by the international position, but also by the inner political currents. Among those, the determining were the social role and the size of the Jewish community, as well as the strength of the antisemitic traditions. Following Hitler’s coming to power, political and ideological offensive of Nazism in such countries squared with the already existing preconditions, making „the final solution of the Jewish question“ (Holocaust) possible. The first country of interwar Europe to institutionalize antisemitism was Hungary. Starting from 1920, this country introduced legal limitations for the schooling of Jews. Further antisemitic legislation following aligning with Germany and territorial expansion from the end of 30’s. The same process was mirrored in another revisionist country, Bulgaria. Principal German ally, Italy, has also embraced antisemitic ideology and political practice by the end of 30’s. However, unlike other German allies and satellites, it did not participate in the „final solution of the Jewish question“. Although Romania was in the camp of victorious countries of the First World War, strong antisemitic traditions resulted in legalization of antisemitism. By the beginning of October 1940 Yugoslavia legally limited schooling and businesses of the Jews, the determining factor being the political calculation. In spite of the large number of assaults on the Jews, mainly in Thessaloniki, antisemitism was not legalized in Greece until the German aggression and occupation in April 1941.
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- "Srbi svi i svuda", "Hrvatske zemlje" bez Hrvata
- The article presents rebuilding of stereotypes and revision of part of the works of Croatian and Serbian historiography, which unscientifically created and spread consciousness on ancientness of the Croatian people and expansiveness of ‘Croatian countries’. The centre of historiography analysis contains the statistic data from the Austrian census done in 1850 which in the exact way proves the author’s thesis on the great number of Serbs living there and the Serbian national expansiveness in the South-Eastern Europe – from Istra over Vojna krajina, Dalmatia with Boka, to Slavonia, Barania, Backa and the Romanian part of Banat. The author concludes that there are no ethnic Croats in the above-stated regions but that they are ethnic Serbs of the Roman-Catholic religion (Roman-Catholic Serbs in Istra, with Kvarner islands, Vojna krajina, Dalmatia with islands, then Bunjevci, Cokci, Krasovani and others) who, under the influence of Roman-Catholic propaganda, eventually accept the Croatian name as their own old ethnic determination. Further on in the work, the author also analyzes the state-judicial disharmony between the laws which ordered territorial division within the Austro-Hungarian Empire (Austro-Hungarian agreement and the Act from 1868, the so-called Hungarian-Croatian agreement) and the state-judicial practice of the Government and the ban (civil governor) from Zagreb who, according to instructions from Vienna and Vatican, in every way had endeavored to incorporate Dalmatia, as a separate Austrian province, into ‘the Croatian Trojednica’.
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- (In)Voluntary Builders Of Socialism. Young Workers In The Early Socialist Yugoslavia
- This paper examines the role of the youth in the industrialization of Socialist Yugoslavia during the first postwar decade. Special attention is paid to the Communist Party propaganda that embellished the reality of socialist factories and the forced mobilization of young men and women – the formation of work brigades. Both measures were supposed to secure the employment of much needed working force in the heavy industry. The study is based on archival sources kept in the Archive of Yugoslavia and the Archive of Serbia and selected periodicals.
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- (KON)FEDERALIZACIJA SUDSTVA U SRBIJI
- Starting with 1944, the judiciary of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia was created on the „revolutionary foundations“ of the new communist government, which was a highly unfavorable development for the Serbs, due to the federal policy of disintegration. Serbian judiciary was supposed to be federalized with the creation of independent Supreme Courts of Vojvodina, Kosovo and Metohija and even Sandžak. The principle of federalism, as „lawful expression of the equality of our nations“ was legally reflected in the fact that the Supreme Courts became highest instances of the judiciary in the republics, settling therefore both civil and criminal cases on appeal and having a final say in regard to the issues of the laws of the republics. From the times of the creation of the FPRY, Ministry of Law of Serbia, as well as the Supreme Court of Serbia, had a limited territorial jurisdiction, as territory of Vojvodina was out of reach of the Serbian judiciary. Federalized character of the judiciary was finalized with the constitutional amendments of 1971. In the new settlement of legal competencies between the federation and its republics and provinces, further decentralization was pursued in the area of lawmaking, as well as of the organization of judiciary. Federal judiciary was only able to monitor the execution of federal laws in some areas of common interests, whereas the judiciary as a whole was regulated by the republics and provinces. On the basis of these amendments, new Constitution of SFRY was promulgated in 1974, transferring permanently not only the competencies in organizing the judiciary, but also the competencies of „substantive regulation of special parts of the material criminal law“ to the level of republics. Hence SFRY entered a period of coexistence of nine criminal codes and nine laws on organization and jurisdiction of the judiciary.
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- 1941. GODINA U JUGOSLOVENSKOJ ISTORIOGRAFIJI
- Pedeset godina od početka oružane oslobodilačke borbe naroda Jugoslavije u Drugom svetskom ratu, prilika je da se i najkraćim osvrtom nešto kaže о jugoslovenskoj istoriografiji 1941. godine. Ova prelomna godina, ispunjena mnoštvom krupnih događaja i zbivanja sudbonosnih za jugoslovenske narode i evropsku i svetsku zajednicu u celini, zaokupljala je i zaokuplja pažnju i interesovanje i nakon 50 godina, ne samo istoričara, već i mnogih drugih stvaralaca, koji svojim delima daju doprinos naučnom osvetljavanju istorijske stvarnosti toga vremena. Sve to rezultira da se svestranije i objektivnije vrednuju društveno-politički odnosi i snage u Drugom svetskom ratu, tom najkrvavijem sukobu u istoriji Ijudskog drustva i Ijudske zajednice. Nekoliko puta, u okviru podsećanja na strahote Drugog svetskog rata, sumirani su i rezultati istorijske nauke u izučavanju 1941. godine u svetskim razmerama a u okviru toga i rezultati jugoslovenske istoriografije.
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- 1945. КРАЈ ИЛИ НОВИ ПОЧЕТАК?, тематски зборник радова, уредник Зоран Јањетовић
- 1945. КРАЈ ИЛИ НОВИ ПОЧЕТАК?, тематски зборник радова, уредник Зоран Јањетовић, Београд, Институт за новију историју Србије, 2016, 625.
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- 27. МАРТ 1941. И ИДЕОЛОГИЈЕ
- March occurrences can be observed in the contexts of vehement underground work of international ideologies aimed at the manipulation of Yugoslav national politics for its interests by sacrificing Serbian people and the state of Yugoslavia. The foreign agitators of March occurrences were led by their pragmatic ideologically political objectives. By organizing Yugoslav joining Triple alliance, the German fascists obsessed by corporation ideology, endeavoured to bring isolated Yugoslavia to their ideological tribe, keeping the elements of political impartiality. The Western liberal democracies (Great Britain and the United States of America) with the participation of Serbian followers of such ideology (gathered in political parties, Serbian orthodox church, Masonic and Soko organizations, warriors’ and knights’ associations) endeavoured to “set the Balkans on fire” with military putsch and in this way increase considerably the German war pressure on Great Britain. The role of Moscow and the communists in these occurrences is not very clear but the cooperation between Soviet Union and the Western democracies, led by the secret military actions through Ankara, is obvious. The followers of the idea of joining Triple alliance were not numerous and did not have a great influence in the time of Belgrade coup d’etat. These followers were much more numerous in Roman Catholic areas where the awareness of belonging to the German and Habsburg-Roman ideological, political, religious and cultural environment had been cherished for centuries.
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- A Port and a Railway
- This article deals with a period of Serbian rule over the Northern Albanian districts (from November 1912 to April 1913). As Kingdom of Serbia was the only European country, beside Switzerland, with no territorial access to the open sea, one of its main war aims was the annexation of an outlet to the Southern Adriatic. Thus after the First Balkan War victory, Serbian army occupied some territories in Northern Albania which were not populated by ethnic Serbs, but were of utmost importance for the commercial and strategic reasons. In this article the colonial and imperial aspects of short-lived Serbian rule are examined and compared with the experience of colonial powers.
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- ADMINISTRATIVNE GRANICE U JUGOSLAVIJI POSLE DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA
- The author shows that, based on the analysis of state, party and other archival material accomplished to this day, it can safely be said that no competent state authority legally examined or issued any act (regulation, resolution, decree etc.) regulating the administrative-territorial borders between the federal units (republics) in Yugoslavia. Mr. Lekić studied the archives of those institutions which published the first post-war geographic maps bearing the earliest administrative-territorial division between the republics. These archives hold no written trace, either, of the identity of those who made such an important decision in domestic politics, nor of the time or manner in which it was made. It was supposed that some documentary material would be found in institutions for cartography since it is logical to presume that the first map of Yugoslavia was made on the basis of someone's order containing ail the information necessary for defining the borders. There is still no definite knowledge about the fate of these documents, whether they were destroyed or are still under embargo. All that can be said with assurance is that the matter of inter-republic borders was decided within the narrowest circle of Yugoslav state and party officials and with the definite participation and deciding influence of Josip Broz Tito, who then held all the highest-ranking and most responsible positions in the party, army and state of Yugoslavia. According to Mr. Lekić, there is no doubt that the administrative-territorial 'borders of the republics were never verified by competent authorities, nor were ever considered to be state borders, as Josip Broz himself often pointed out in his public speeches, saying that in a federal state administrative borders had no state or national significance. As far as the question of the demarcation of administrative-territorial borders between federal republics is concerned, the archival material has mostly been preserved. These sources clearly show that border disputes between republics began as early as the first half of 1945 and only ended in 1956. In general, these disputes were of marginal importance in relation to inter-republic borders. The most significant among them was the dispute between the People's Republic of Serbia (Vojvodina) and the People's Republic of Croatia, regarding the territoray of Bačka, Baranja and Srem. Nearly all Croatian disputes with not only Serbia but all the other republics as well, were settled in Croatia’s favor. The committees formed to work on resolving border disputes between republics emphasize in their reports that their suggestions are only a temporary solution and that the entire issue of border disputes between republics ought to be settled by a law issued on the part of competent authorities. The archival material of state institutions competent in this matter reveals no sign that his issue was ever brought up or settled in the way recommended by the committees.
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- AGRARNO I SELJAČKO PITANJE U JUGOSLAVIJI S OSVRTOM NA MEĐURATNI I RATNI PERIOD 1945 - 1953.
- The agrarian and peasant issue includes social, economic, political, socio-psychological and cultural subject matter, whose meaning changes through historic evolution and differs from one particular country to another, but nevertheless primarily depends on the character of the political and economic structure of a given global society. The period discussed in this study is very short from a historical viewpoint, but considering the dynamics of events which took place in the world and in Yugoslavia in the first half of the 20th century, this is a period filled with numerous, important events and agrarian changes vital to the agrarian and peasant issue. It would be difficult to understand the changes which took place in agrarian affairs after World War II, without being acquainted with the pre-and post-War periods of this subject matter. The primary activity in the economy of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was farming. The two crucial problems of this branch of economy were peasants’ debts and the never satisfied „hunger” of the peasants for land. Hence, there was not a single political party whose program and political activity did not deal with the peasant and agrarian issues. The Yugoslav Communist Party could not avoid this problem either; during World War II it already found itself in a position to influence changes in agrarian affairs. The sporadic distribution of land to the peasants (based on the principle according to which land should be given to those who cultivate it) and collectivistic farm production on liberated and semi-liberated territories, were the first heralds of changes to come. After the War, the Party, in its creation of agrarian politics, gave economic moments secondary importance in respect to political ones. The two most important political and economic measures taken by the new State in 1945, were the agrarian reform and colonization, and, with them, the farmers' and peasants' cooperatives and the practice of buying up the entire agrarian output.
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- ALBANSKI ZLOČINI NAD SRBIMA NA KOSOVU I METOHIJI U PERIODU JUN–OKTOBAR 1999
- This contribution contains data on the unbearable position of the Serbian population in Kosovo and Metochia since the arrival of international military and civilian mission in June 1999, until October of the same year. After the bombing of FRY and Serbia by NATO alliance, the southern Serbian province has been under control of the international community, on the basis of the Resolution no. 1244 of the UN Security Council. International civilian mission (UNMIK), and military force (KFOR), composed mostly of the members of military forces of NATO countries, are operating in this area. The gravity of the position of Serbs is reflected in continuing pressure, terror, kidnapping and murders committed by the Albanian majority, with a goal of creation of independent state of Kosova, cleansed from Serbs and other non-Albanian population. Some of the most drastic examples of Albanian crimes over Serbs are described, including instances of breaching fundamental human rights (right to education, work and healthcare, to practicing Orthodox faith, to freedom of movement), but above all the right to live. The contribution contains basic information on the chief Albanian political and military leaders, responsible for crimes committed over Serbs. Summary data on the number of expelled, kidnapped, wounded and killed Serbs in the researched period are also given, based on Serbian and international sources.