Zbornik radova Instituta za savremenu istoriju
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Tokom svoje istorije, ISI je ostvario bogatu izdavačku delatnost objavljujući monografije, tematske zbornike, zbornike građe, periodične publikacije, hronologije i bibliografije. Publikacije izlaze u pet biblioteka: (1) Studije i monografije, (2) Posebna izdanja, (3) Skrivana istorija, (4) Zbornici radova, (5) Dokumenta.
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- Kulturna saradnja Poljske i Pugoslavije sedamdesetih godina XX veka
- Summary/Abstract: The problem discussed in the article – the cultural cooperation between Poland and Yugoslavia in the 70s of the twentieth century – is rarely undertaken by researchers. The author tries to characterize the cultural cooperation between Poland and Yugoslavia with a particular emphasis on the contacts in the field of theatre, music, literature and cinematography. The agreement signed in Belgrade on July 6, 1956 formed the basis of deeper Poland-Yugoslavia cultural cooperation in the 70s of the twentieth century. It was realized through the two-year (1970-1971, 1972-1973) and three-year (1974-1976, 1977-1979) implementation plans. Each of the four implementation plans aimed at broadening the contacts. In the first half of the decade there was a gradual development of bilateral cultural activity after a 1968-1969 complet breakdown in relations. As for fundamental methods and means of cultural cooperation, it aimed at increasing contacts between philharmonics, theaters, publishers and film institutions and organizations. The following were expected: exchange of persons, exchange of exhibitions, co-productions, exchanges of services and films, mutual participations in major festivals, events and premieres, interviews, „Film Days”, and so on. In addition, the aim was to exhibit dramatic, musical, ballet and opera works of authors from Poland and Yugoslavia The analysis shows that although the development of the relations proceeded in different directions, there were the areas of unmet expectations. Some major tasks (e.g. information and cultural centres in Belgrade and Warsaw) remain unfulfilled.
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- La Serbie dans le systeme des Alliances Françaises lors des guerres Balkaniques
- Summary/Abstract: The French Diplomacy had no goals of its own in the Balkans but to strengthen the alliance with Russia by following its political initiatives in the region. Milovan Milovanović, the architect of the Balkan alliance, made use of Russian support to conclude the alliance with Bulgaria in March of 1912. The French diplomacy was informed only in summer of 1912 of the veritable objectives of the Balkan alliance and immediately tried to prevent that it becomes the cause of the war in Europe. Since the Germany of the Kaiser William II declared that it had no intention of interfering in the Balkan conflicts, the Balkan allies could liberate the peninsula from the Ottoman rule. The new territorial settlement in the Balkans provoked the conflict between Serbia and Austria-Hungary, since the later, by aiding the creation of an Albanian state, prevented Serbia from having a port in Adriatic. Therefore, Serbia was forced to seek an outlet to the Mediterranean through the Morava – Vardar valley, thus having to demand the renegotiation of the alliance treaty with Bulgaria. French diplomacy did not help Serbia’s diplomatic initiatives since they were not supported by all European powers. The consensus of powers was the main goal of French foreign policy since it guaranteed the peace in Europe, and it could be questioned only if the vital interests of a member of the Triple Entente were at stake.
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- Oblici saradnje zemalja narodne demokratije 1945–1948. Primer Jugoslavija – Poljska
- Summary/Abstract: The work systemize and lists models of cooperation between the countries of national democracy, exactly, those who found in sphere of influence of SSSSR. Contrary to capitalist and imperialist group, national, so social block of countries was profiled since 1946. All of them developed intensive cooperation in domain of ideology, politics, economy, culture and sport. The models of cooperation were, mostly, the same, but some bilateral relations existed, so contracts. The goal was to create new socijalist society under the leadership of communists. So, Yugoslavia and Poland developed multilateral cooperation under the same patent in period from 1945 until 1948, which included signed contracts on friendship and reciprocal help, economic and trade contracts, organized visits of state delegations, jamborees and sport competitions, manifestations of common friendship, so foundation of multicultural commissions with a goal to promote cultural cooperation. For example, in accordance with the Contract on friendship and reciprocal help between Federative National Republic of Yugoslavia and Republic of Poland, signed on March 18th, 1946, on twenty years, both sides were obligated to help each other in case of Germany attack. Similar contracts, Yugoslavia signed with other countries of national democracy, also. The work observed the development of cooperation until the Resolution of Inform biro, 1948. After the conflict, the work follows forms of deterioration of relations in all spheres, from verbal incidents to break of cooperation with Communist Party of Yugoslavia, so identical judgements of Yugoslavian leadership. The answers on verbal attacks are almost the same formally. The work, in detail, observes forms of cooperation, deterioration and break of relations between Yugoslavian and Polish leadership between 1945 and 1948. Behaviour of countries of national democracy, so Poland, too, to Yugoslavian leadership, which considered it unfriendly is processed in details.
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- Odnosi između Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije i Republike Poljske (1919–1939). Pogled iz Beograda
- Summary/Abstract: Diplomatic relations between The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Polish republic, new European countries after First World War, were established during 1919. In 1920 the first ambassadors were sent to Warsaw and Belgrade. Sense of “Slovene closeness” looked like sufficient reason diplomatic relations to be close, but in reality, relations between these two countries were friendly, but not so close. Important role in rapprochement of two countries represented Polish-Yugoslav league that existed in Warsaw and Belgrade. Most important things in Yugoslav-Polish relations between two world wars were a few important agreements, and ministry visits. In October 1922 in Warsaw was signed Trade agreement, in September 1926 in Geneva was signed Pact of Friendship and Friendly Cooperation, and in December 1931 in Polish capital city, during visit of Yugoslav Minister of Foreign Affairs Vojislav Marinković, was signed Convention on scientific, school and art cooperation. His visit to Poland was the first important state visitation after more than ten years of diplomatic relations. The second important state visit in that period was a return visit of Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs Jozef Beck to Yugoslavia in May 1936. Interwar relations between Yugoslavia and Poland were ended after Germany and Soviet Union attacked this country and separated Polish territory.
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- Organizacija državne propagande u evropi tokom tridesetih godina 20. veka. Uporedna analiza Poljske i Jugoslavije
- Summary/Abstract: During turbulent 1930s all European countries payed attention on propaganda and made a large capital investment into implementation of the one. As the start of World War II came closer, activities in this area became more important and complex. General impression is that propaganda organizations of European countries streamed to have better coordination and centralization. Poland and Yugoslavia were not an excemption. On assignment of state propaganda spreading numbered state institutions were engaged. In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, since 1929, existed Central Press Office which was founded to represent general state intelligence. The Office included Administrative, Informational and Publishing Department. Among the mentioned ones the most important was Informational Department, which implemented tasks related to preventive inspection of the press and informing domestic media on situation in the country and abroad. The office became, in time, supervisor to all media of the time: press, radio and mouvie and in the fact became the Ministry of propaganda without “accent on desk producing propaganda“. Polish case ment press offices within the most importand ministries: Presidency of the Government, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Defence which were incharged for propaganda in areas of jurisdiction. During the years several institutions and comissions vere founded with a goal to coordinate state propaganda in Poland. Invested efforts, logically, resulted with foundation of the Ministry of propaganda just day after attack of Germany. Beside previously mentioned institutions, main role in state propaganda spreading had press agencies, also. Their duty was to inform domestic public on situation in the country and the foreign one on the issues in the state. Of course, in accordance with „the interests of the state and will of the government“. Polish agency PAT was, related to human recources, numbered than Yugoslavian Avala. It had branchy network of informants across the whole Europe and implemented operations which, in Yugoslavia, were in jurisdiction of Central Press Office. When the war started the power of propaganda and its organization were not able to oppose the power of weapon beside envious level of success achieved during 1930s.
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- PRELAZAK PARTIZANSKE ARMIJE U MIRNODOPSKI ŽIVOT 1945 – 1946
- Summary/Abstract: The partisan army emerged as a military force of the Communist Party, after the four years of the war, when the revolutionary change of government occurred through the multiply civil war under the occupation. This army was in May 1945 a member of the wining Ally coalition. During 1945. and 1946. it changed its character to a peace time army of a certain ideological and technical profile. Heterogeneous in many regards, it was becoming every day more like an army of an organized state. Furthermore, it was in the first post war years much more organized and stable than a state itself. In may regions of the country, army (inner army, KNOJ, but regulary units as well)still fought against defeated enemies. Because such circumstances, and because political adversaries of the regime within the army itself, the repressive and very developed apparatus for a domestic purposes made after the Soviet model, has been associated with the military formation. The counterespionage has been formed in 1946. as a special service. Not only the first post war year but the whole decade were marked with the instability of a settlement, frequent transfers, life in inappropriate objects, and all kinds of shortages. In this period first peacetime dispositions have been made, as well as several demobilizations. It is significant that the demobiliyation of November 1945. came immediately after the success of the regime at the elections of 1945. and the fall of the monarchy. By these demobilizations army has beeb reduced to 400 000, with the tendency of the further reduction in following years. The legal role of the Army within the state has been defined, as well as regulation of a military service, rights and duties of the military personnel, and many decisions important for a status of a military were made.
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- Politika vladislava gomulke prema Jugoslaviji u kontekstu odnosa Poljske i socijalističkih država na Balkanu u periodu 1956–1970
- Summary/Abstract: Polish policy towards Yugoslavia under the rule of Władysław Gomułka was a function of Moscow's relations with Belgrade. Yugoslavia was the only communist country in Europe, though did not belong to the Soviet bloc, but welcomed the accession to power of Gomulka and partial independence of the authorities in Warsaw from the Kremlin. The biggest success of Gomułka’ visit to Belgrade, was confirmation by Tito, the inviolability of the Polish western border. Among the socialist countries in the Balkans, Yugoslavia played the most important role. Mostly, due to its size and economic potential. Gomułka could see that Tito took up a position between two politico-military blocs, but he knew „that we should not push Yugoslavia into the arms of imperialism“, which was not always understood in Moscow. The Polish communist authorities could look with envy on Yugoslavia as a state which broke from the Soviet bloc and was independent from Moscow, and did not belong to the Warsaw Pact. The independence of the Yugoslav Communists also manifested itself in different interpretation of the doctrine of socialism recognized by the CPSU and Gomułka as revisionist. The problem was that Gomulka nor his successor, Edward Gierek did not look for so far-reaching autonomy. On the other hand, Yugoslavia was aware of the limitations of government in Warsaw because of the Polish geopolitical place in the Soviet bloc.
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- Poljska 1956 – 1958
- Summary/Abstract: Since the middle of March 1956, when delegation of Central Committee of of Communist Union of Serbia visited Poland to attend the funeral of Boleslav Bjerut, until the end of 1958, from Yugoslavia to Poland was sent even 25 delegations or individuals. Beside politicians, Poland visited delegations of Federal Executive Council, Union of Combatants, various labor union bodies, Union of Journalists, Communal Federation, so delegations of lawyers, archivists and laborers of Yugoslavian forges. In the middle of the 1950s of the 20th century, viewed through the eyes of Yugoslavs, Poland seemed as incomparable bigger and more developed country, which, definitely, cherished sympathy for Yugoslavia. Overwhelmed by attention and warm welcome, Yugoslavs, still, believed that Yugoslavia was more successful than Poland in area of new, socijalist society development. It is confirmed by Yugoslav expressions on Polish governing party weakness, so existence of other parties beside the governing one, lack of economy development planning, so issues on de-Stalinization and big influence of the Catholic Church, but also low standard of living which caused dissatisfaction of the nation. Considering that all this challenges in Yugoslavia were answered on until the middle of the 1950s, Yugoslavs, led by own experience, saw their future cooperation with Poland based on experience sharing, which seemed to be the best time for it.
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- Poljska u jugoslovenskoj spoljnoj politici tokom 30-ih godina XX veka
- Summary/Abstract: Yugoslav-Polish direct relations were regulated in accordance with the countries of the Danube River, interests of the Little Entente and Polish-Hungarian friendship, so potential alliance foundation. Yugoslav stand relative to Poland was balanced between character of Romanian-Polish alliance and phases of Czechoslovakian-Polish relations. Hungary was a breakpoint of interests of Little Entante members which resulted with reserved stand of Yugoslavia in a relation with Poland, so because of Polish-Hungarian relations. The importance of countries of the Danube River was visible on a diplomacy level, also. Official visits of Vojislav Marinković and Jozef Beko were delayed or conditioned by absence of official visits of Polish ministers of foreign affairs. Yugoslavia appointed, during 1930s, representatives in Poland, who mostly were in service for years in Prague or Budapest. Relative to great powers, friendly and allied relations with France were common denominator for Yugoslav and Polish foreign policy while system of collective security in Europe functioned. Both countries reacted similar, when realized that French support became uncertain, with a goal to comprehend with neighbour great powers which represented real or potential threat. Yugoslav diplomatic and military service percepted Poland until 1936 as a member of French system of alliance in Europe. After Yugoslav foreign policy being changed, during 1936, Poland is viewed as avantgarde European country which stand independent in foreign policy and used as criterion for sustainability measure of the course. Thus, Yugoslavian services registered a wish of Poles to establish its state as new great power in Europe, supposing that this move overcame their own strength and significance, but their foreign policy started to lose the former political base.