Zbornik radova Instituta za savremenu istoriju
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Tokom svoje istorije, ISI je ostvario bogatu izdavačku delatnost objavljujući monografije, tematske zbornike, zbornike građe, periodične publikacije, hronologije i bibliografije. Publikacije izlaze u pet biblioteka: (1) Studije i monografije, (2) Posebna izdanja, (3) Skrivana istorija, (4) Zbornici radova, (5) Dokumenta.
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- Hrvatska politika uoči početka Prvoga svjetskog rata
- Summary/Abstract: In this article, the author compares viewpoints of the Croatian political parties and adherents of various political ideas on the national question as the key problem in southeast Europe in the period before the First World War. He shows how they sought a solution for this complex problem, either through interethnic relations within the framework of the reformed Habsburg Monarchy, or through the establishment of a joint South Slav state outside the Monarchy. One of the greatest focal points of discourse was the South Slav Question, that geographically tied southern regions of Austria-Hungary (Banal Croatia, Dalmatia, Istria, Gorica, Carniola, the greater part of Carinthia, Styria, and Bosnia and Hercegovina). Besides this, South Slavs lived outside of Austria-Hungary in neighbouring states (Serbia, Montenegro, as well as Bulgaria) that had gained independence at the Congress of Berlin. With regard to that question, even though most politicians accepted the notion of South Slav solidarity, they still hoped to achieve their goals within the context of the Austria-Hungary in spite of dissatisfaciton with its dualistic politics. A new political direction emerged after the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina and the outbreak the First Balkan War. The Kingdom of Serbia gained importance after the two Balkan wars (1912–1913). During that period, the youth movement fundamentally changed its viewpoints, becoming the advocate of integral Yugoslav and Serbo-Croatian nationalism through which Serbia became to play a „Piedmontese role“ in the South Slav region and contribute to the collapse of the Habsburg Empire. On the eve of the First World War, the South Slav Question became one of the key obstacles for the stability not only of Southeast Europe, but also of Central Europe. Within Austria-Hungary, peoples of the South Slav regions persistently demanded a reform of the internal order, that is to say either a revision of the Croatian-Hungarian Compromise or the creation of an entirely new type of constitutional organization. However, there was no unified view in search of a formula, that would satisfy varied interests of different ideologies and ethnic groups. With the outbreak of the First World War, different concepts found themselves split up. The most outspoken enemies of the Habsburg Crown formed the Yugoslav Committee in London under auspices of the Entante. The main goal of this Committee was a unification of the Habsburg South Slav lands with the Kingdom of Serbia. On the other hand, dominant politicians within the Monarchy loyally carried out their public task. Though they expressed concerns about the imperial politics of the Habsburg dynasty and ruling circles, they were uneasy with radical changes and hoped for the introduction of a new compromise. However, when the First World War ended, the perceptions of these politicians changed completely. Under newly arisen circumstances, they gave up the model of reforming the Habsburg Monarchy in favour
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- Invazija na Poljsku 1939. iz perspektive beogradske štampe
- Summary/Abstract: Analyzing lines of daily and periodical press, we tried to reconstruct how start of World War II, exactly attack of Germany on Poland, war operations, so territory partition influenced on Belgrade public opinion. Daily press issued in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was controlled by the authorities and content of columns on foreign policy depended on foreign policy of the Kingdom. Analyzing lines of daily press in period from the start of the Dancing crisis until Poland partition, confirmed this thesis, totally. Columns of Belgrade daily press dedicated to German invasion on Poland, represented mosaic of telegraphic news which content represented news published almost equally by press agencies of Germany, Poland, Great Britain and France. This kind of reporting was in accordance with the neutral foreign policy of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, so final result of the government-citizens of the Kingdom to stay neutral also. Picturesque reports of Grga Zlatoper, reporter of „Politika“ newspapers from Warsaw, so authorized texts translated from foreign press, enriched Belgrade press. There is no doubt-citizens of Belgrade followed start, escalation and the end of conflict between Germany and Poland, so it is hard to find a segment of this war which remained unknown to the public.
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- Istorija balkanskih zemalja u poljskim školskim udžbenicima za predavanje istorije
- Summary/Abstract: In general, young people meet history as a science for the first time at school. The school textbook is an original source of any historical information. The historical education in the Polish school system is linear. First, students learn about their own country, then about political, social, economic, and cultural events in western civilizations, to a lesser extent about Eastern and Southern Europe, and very little about the past of other continents. Only students, who decide to take history as a subject of their matriculation examination, broaden their knowledge. In Poland, teachers teach generally about the history of Poland with common events in the background. A lot of interesting historical events in textbooks are only signaled for obvious reasons (volume of books and number of lessons). With reference to the subject of the conference I made a review of the content of information about the history of the Balkan states in the current history textbooks in Poland. It should be noted that there is not much information about the Balkans, however, to some extent, southern Slav peoples and their states are described on the pages of textbooks - from the Middle Ages to the present day.
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- Između autoriteta i voluntarizma
- Summary/Abstract: The Chetnik action in Macedonia lasted for almost a decade, with some small interruptions. It was led by the revolutionary Chetnik organization. Their organization provided for the existence of local and district dukes. This is why there were many misuses of authority given to the dukes. The dukes and their fighters – the Chetniks – did not always go by the unwritten rule to represent a perfect morality by their conduct and actions. On the contrary, the examples of quite the opposite nature were recorded. There were unwanted occurrences in the field – plundering and extortion from the population, low discipline and morality, violent and insolent behaviour towards people.
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- Josip Broz Tito u vizuelnoj propagandi u poljskoj štampi u periodu 1949-1953
- Summary/Abstract: The conflict between the Soviet Union, the countries of people's democracy and Yugoslavia (28th June,1948) meant that Josip Broz Tito became a hero in the propaganda campaign in Poland directed against the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. His image as an enemy (i.e., leader of a clique, traitor, renegade, saboteur, agent, spy and fascist) was permanently depreciating and embraced new forms of discrediting. Between July 1949 and April 1953 Marshal Tito was in the centre of visual propaganda. His caricatures, drawings and cartoons appeared in the press and periodicals. The negative structure of his verbal image was thus reinforced by the visual image that affected recipients more suggestively. The aim of the paper is to present the image of Tito, its structure, repetitive themes and motifs around which the iconic image focused. The author analyzed the content of six newspapers and periodicals from more than 400 newspapers appearing in Poland in 1952. The primary source that determined the discourse of propaganda campaign against Tito (antitito campaign) was „Trybuna Ludu” (the "Tribune of the People") – the daily newspaper of the KC PZPR and its regional branches. The author also analyzed visual propaganda in two main satirical periodicals: „Mucha” ("The Fly") and „Szpilki” ("Pins"), and in an extremely influential and enjoing a certain "independence" magazine „Przekrój”. To present the image of Josip Broz Tito in visual propaganda the author analyzed over 110 caricatures. Most of them were focused on the nature of the relationship between Tito and the United States and its negative consequences for Yugoslavia. The caricatures of Tito in a military uniform with a characteristically curved hat showed without any doubts that Tito was not a partner for the West, but only a client and puppet (tool, instrument and assistant) of the US imperialist policy.
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- Jugoslavija i Jugosloven u jezičkokulturnoj slici sveta Poljaka
- Summary/Abstract: In the article the author tries to reconstruct the linguistic-cultural ways of two categories of meaning: Yugoslavia and the Yugoslavian. The author uses the theoretical and methodological assumptions of cultural linguistics, especially the concepts of linguistic picture of the world, along with their significant elements, i.e. stereotype and valuation. They determine the distinctive features of a particular ethnic stereotype and isolate the representative categories of meaning of nation, state, and region. The sources of research material are: the language data in the Polish lexicographical studies, and free expressions of Poles, especially associated with given keywords. The language material, chosen in this way, allows to compare the data from the system of selected fragment of reality with its text realizations, additional categories of meaning, and elements of evaluation. In addition, it is a representative basis for reconstruction of heterostereotype, that is dependent on various factors of different kinds of nature (geography, history, politics, culture, etc.). The sketch has a merely exploring character, but it can be a starting point for the reconstruction of the categories of meaning based on other functional texts.
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- Jugoslovenska politika prema zemljama Trećeg sveta 1956–1961. godine iz perspektive Ambasade Narodne Republike Poljske u Beogradu
- Summary/Abstract: On the second half of 50's and beginning of 60's Embassy of the Polish People's Republic paid attention on Yugoslav policy towards Third World states. One of the reasons of such interest was that it was Moscow, that had predestined Poland as one of the political subjects that were to represent Eastern Block's interests in contacts with newly birth states and to work on establishing diplomatic relations with them. Polish diplomats perceived Tito's activity amongst developing countries as the reflection of his reluctant attitude towards further approachment with the West and complicated relations with the Soviet block as well. Polish official representatives in Belgrade found in the second half of 50's 20th century interests of the developing countries as contraditory and their attitudes in the international policy so far. Because of that, they claimed it to be impossible to establish any kind of political alliance. When in the 1961. in Belgrade summit of the non-aligned states took place, Polish Ambassador in Belgrade Aleksander Małecki tried to underestimate Yugoslav position in the Third World, maintaining, that Josip Broz Tito was overshadowed by Indian PM Javaharlal Nehru. In his diplomatic reports that were sent to Polish Ministry of Foreign Affaires Małecki intended to prove, that except of the small African states, Yugoslav vision of the potential alliance found no support. Such attitude of Polish diplomats was caused by complex relations between Belgrade and Moscow's satellite states, that might have been observed on the example of Yugoslav condemnation on the summits of the communists parties in 1957 and 1960. Unless Yugoslav inner political solutions had been perceived with disregard by Poles, it was underlined in the official documents, that political regime in Belgrade found to be more attractive for the newly-founded states rather than Soviet model. What is more, representatives of the Polish Peoples' Republic in Belgrade with regarded Yugoslav diplomats as competent and their activity as effective and successful. Polish diplomatic staff in Belgrade claimed – what is find to be true by contemporary historians - that Tito managed to achieve such prestige in the international policy that exceeded really modest potential of Yugoslavia.
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- Jugoslovenske partijsko-vladine posete Poljskoj i Poljske Jugoslaviji (1956–1970)
- Summary/Abstract: After the events of October 1956, when Wladyslaw Gomulka came to power, the significant changes occurred in Polish policy. Yugoslavia and Poland therefore could warm their political relations. The official parliamentary and governmental visits began to develop. Gomulka visited Yugoslavia for the first time in September 1957. Marshal Tito`s visit, thatwas to take place in 1958, was cancelled due to the announcement of so called „Yugoslav revisionism” by the KPZR and PZPR. Tito managed to visit Poland in June 1964. Then, Gomulka visited Yugoslavia again in November 1965. Those events, symbolically, were the apogee of mutual relations before their rapid deterioration after the intervention of five Warsaw Pact countries in Czechoslovakia. The purpose of this article is to discuss the political meetings of Polish and Yugoslav leaders at the highest level. Those meetings had a decisive influence not only on their political relations, but also on other areas of cooperation, including economy, culture and science. Their propaganda aspect was also significant. It had a slightly different character than in the case of other countries, including the "socialist" ones. The 1956-1970 period was dictated by the situation in the international communist movement, Gomulka's becoming the Secretary of the KC PZPR (1956), so called "December events" in Poland in 1970 and Gomulka` s resignation from the post. It is worth noting that Josip Broz Tito visited Poland when Wladyslaw Gomulka held the position of First Secretary of the Polish Workers' Party (PPR, until 1948)
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- Jugoslovensko-poljski fudbalski kontakti u međuratnom periodu
- Summary/Abstract: In the period between the First and the Second World War, two new states on the political map of Europe, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia and the Polish Republic, had similar patterns of political, cultural and economic development. Both states had emerged from the victory of the Entente forces, both were surrounded by the revisionist adversaries and both fought frantically for survival and stabilization of its international position. In the ongoing process, certain convergence between the two nations had occurred. This convergence was visible in different spheres of social and political life, but mostly in culture and sports. Sport and physical exercise, football and Sokol exercising in particular, which were very popular in both countries, were used as a bridge for connecting and introducing the Poles and Yugoslavs better. Out of 109 football matches in total that Yugoslav national football team had played in the period between 1920 and 1941, 11 (or 10%) were played against Poland (9 friendly football matches and 2 world cup qualifiers). In the time when no all-European football competition existed, in which all nations were forced to play against one another, football relations between the two nations would represent the general reflection of their relationship. Yugoslav Football Association was informal but very important ambassador of the Yugoslav state and the YFA had the best relations with the states which were in friendly terms with Yugoslavia. Testimony of such a practice is the fact that Yugoslavia played most of its matches against Czechoslovakia, Romania, Poland and Greece. Beside the football matches of the national teams, several prominent matches were played between the best Yugoslav and Polish clubs. In the conclusion, the football matches represented an opportunity to show the strength of the Yugoslav-Polish alliance and often were the display of the friendship between the two nations.
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- Jugoslovensko-poljski odnosi u 1983. godini
- Summary/Abstract: Bilateral relations between communist Yugoslavia and Poland in 1983 are characterized with a rise of established contacts and gradual overcome of temporary decline that happened as a consequence of war state in Poland. Signed agreement in Warsaw in February should have raised level of trade for 20%. Visits on high level are also characteristic in 1983. The most important was visit of Dobrivoje Vidić, member of Presidency of Central Committee of League of Communists of Yugoslavia and his conversation with Polish Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski. In this conversation, Jaruzelski expressed his gratitude for Yugoslav attitude on crisis in Poland. Basic course of cultural cooperation in 1983 was directed on a celebration of forty years from establishing AVNOJ. Within that anniversary, beside many other appropriate programs in Polish media, Serbian Secretary of Information Vojislav Mićović has opened exhibition ''Serbia – land and people'' in Warsaw at the end of November.
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- KULT GENERALA DRAGOLJUBA DRAŽE MIHAILOVIĆA
- Summary/Abstract: The cult of the General Mihailović created during the Second World War was not proportional to his real role in the war. It was created by the Western Allies and the Royal Government in exile. After the war, when Mihailović was caught and executed in 1946.his cult has been politically functionalised. In the contemporary approach to the traditions of the Second World War, the cult of Draža Mihailović should be viewed in the context of his neglecting of the pragmatic side of the politics, his underestimating of the international position and surrounding, his static military strategy, undetermined attitude to Yugoslavia, as well as in the context of the collaboration of his commanders and units with the occupier.