Zograf : časopis za srednjovekovnu umetnost

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Publisher: Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade
Country of publisher: Serbia
ISSN 0350-1361
eISSN 2406-0755

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Early church of the middle Byzantine period and the relics of St. Tryphon in Kotor
Early church of the middle Byzantine period and the relics of St. Tryphon in Kotor
Based on data contained in Constantine Porphyrogenitus’s De Administrando Imperio, local written sources, and fragments with inscriptions, the article offers new insight about the original position of the relics of St. Tryphon, the patron saint of Kotor from the first decades of the 9th century. Also, the foundations of a church with a quincuncial (cross-in-square) plan, erected in the same period and discovered below the city’s cathedral, can be seen as an early and important example of the dispersion of this architectural type in lands that belonged to the Byzantine cultural sphere. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177015: Hrišćanska kultura na Balkanu u srednjem veku: Vizantijsko carstvo, Srbi i Bugari od IX do XV veka and Grant no. 177036: Srpska srednjovekovna umetnost i njen evropski kontekst]
Epitaphios of Jovan, the Metropolitan of Skopje, in the Treasury of the Hilandar Monastery
Epitaphios of Jovan, the Metropolitan of Skopje, in the Treasury of the Hilandar Monastery
The epitaphios of Jovan, the Metropolitan of Skopje, was created between 1346 and 1348. It is unique for its beauty and iconographic program and, at the same time, it is the oldest of the epitaphia preserved in our country. The epitaphios was worn in the course of Holy Liturgy, during the Great Entrance in the cathedral churches and the major monasteries. Metropolitan Jovan presented the epitaphios as a gift to Christ 'my life-giver.' Depicted on its central field is the Epitaphios Threnos (Lamentation at the Tomb). Added around it, at a later time it seems, are bands representing the fourteen scenes of Great Feasts and the officiating Church Fathers, in embroidery. Holy Liturgy is served by the greatest fathers and teachers of the Church and Metropolitan Jovan.
Figures of mounted warrior saints in medieval Crete. The representation of the equestrian Saint George “Thalassoperatis” at Diavaide in Heraklion
Figures of mounted warrior saints in medieval Crete. The representation of the equestrian Saint George “Thalassoperatis” at Diavaide in Heraklion
In the church of Saint George Sfakiotis, built on the outskirts of the settlement Diavaide in the Perfecture of Heraklion in Crete, narrative interest is focused on the large painting with the mounted figures of the military saints George and Demetrios. Saint George is shown together with the young pillion rider, whereas the element of water on the lower part of the scene establishes a connection between the episode of the slave’s release and a rarer variant according to which the liberator saint crosses the sea (‘thalassoperatis’, trans. he who crosses the sea). The iconographic and stylistic analysis of the representation of Saint George as well that of Saint Demetrios at Diaviade reflects the artistic environment of the Eastern Mediterranean, possibly that of Cyprus, where images of equestrian military saints form part of the tradition of the island.
Flower Symbolism and the Cult of Relics in Medieval Serbia
Flower Symbolism and the Cult of Relics in Medieval Serbia
The Life of archbishop Eustathios I [Jevstatije] (1279-1286), deserving head of the medieval Serbian Church and a saint, is a very interesting source for studying the cult of relics with the Serbs. This is not surprising considering that the Life was penned by one of the most illustrious of Eustathios' successors on the church throne, Daniel II [Danilo], a learned Athonite and unquestionable master of the hagiographie literary genre. In his account of the life of his distinguished predecessor, Daniel describes extensively the events constituting the key stage in the glorification of a saint, namely Eustathios' death and posthumous occurrences at his grave. As most holy men, Eustathios foresaw his own death, and he departed from this world serenely. He was buried, with due honours, in the 'marble grave' he had prepared for himself in the cathedral church of Holy Saviour at Žiča. In keeping with the well-established saint-making process, a few years after the funeral 'extraordinary signs' began to occur at the archbishop's grave, in this particular case, candlelight and a multitude of murmuring voices followed by the miraculous cure of an incurably ill person. These occurrences preceded the great miracle which, to the best of my knowledge, is unparalleled in the medieval Serbian practice of relic veneration. Namely, 'one day they found growing from his marble grave three flowers endowed with wondrous beauty and impossible to liken to anything else. For, indeed, they were not of earthly humidity or of union with flowers that grow from earth; but, o wonder, how a dry stone standing for so long in the church could send forth fragrant flowers, to the renewal of the sanctified one's body'. Flower metaphors occur in the Service to the holy archbishop Eustathios, yet another piece penned by Daniel II, notably in his paraphrases of Psalm 92, 12-14 ('The righteous shall flourish like the palm tree: he shall grow like a cedar in Lebanon. These that be planted in the house of the Lord shall flourish in the courts of our God'). The meaning of these quotations should be looked at within a broader framework, that of the medieval theology of relics where flower symbolism played a significant role. The close link between flowers and relics had its origin in the martyrological tradition and was founded on the belief that the martyrs' heavenly abode is a paradisiacal locus amoenus, a garden with springs of fresh water, lush greenery and copious flowers. It is well known that such a vision of paradeisos - a reconstruction of the Garden of Eden lost through Adam's fall, and an anticipation of the future heavenly abode - was a commonplace in the Byzantine tradition. It found its full expression in the concept of monastic gardens, conceived of as the earthly image of the fragrant flowery meadows of paradise inhabited by the righteous. Two flowers highly charged with symbolic power were the lily and the rose, considered as being paradise flowers, flowers of martyrdom and holiness. Early Christian exegesis often referred to the martyrs as flores martyrum, and to their bodies as heavenly flowers. This connection between relics and flowers involves several aspects that are relevant to understanding the miraculous episode at the grave of archbishop Eustathios. Essential from the theological point of view is the association, deeply rooted in the antique world, between flowers and death and rebirth. This belief in the transforming power of flowers, rejuvenation and renewal of life, found its full expression in a complex and very popular springtime rite - dies rosationes - when the graves of the ancestors were visited and adorned with flowers. The Christianized version of this belief may be illustrated by the words of the prophet Isaiah (66, 14): 'And when you see this, your heart shall rejoice, and your bones shall flourish like an herb.' Needless to say, the doctrine of the resurrection of mankind, rebirth and life everlasting lies at the heart of Christian teaching. Another essential aspect of this subject is the phenomenon of exuding a sweet smell or fragrance, which is in a direct functional connection with flowers. Recent work has shown convincingly how complex and diffuse meanings of this subject are, especially with regard to the relationship between fragrance and fundamental Christian beliefs about the nature, redemption and resurrection of the human body, ascetic practices, or the cult of relics. One of the starting points in Christian exegesis was the message in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians (2,14-16) about Christ and the 'savour of his knowledge', interpreted as the 'savour of life' as opposed to the 'savour of death'. Along the same lines, St Ambrose refers to the 'fragrance of resurrection' as anticipating life everlasting. Ephrem the Syrian, who was instrumental in shaping the theological notion of fragrance, argues that a sweet smell is a vehicle for recognizing divine blessing, receiving revelation and sending it out into the world, as at the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the apostles. Eschatological symbolism connected with flowers and scents played an important role in the cult of relics. Fragrance, as is well known, was a key indicator of sanctity and a sign of divine presence. A similar, transcendental, meaning was assigned to other elements of the ritual of elevatio and depositio of relics: resplendent polychrome ornamentation of the coffin, various perfume oils and aromatics, lavish shrouds, flowers laid onto the grave. This is a phenomenon which researchers have recognized, and with good reason, as a distinctive type of 'aesthetics' or religious sensibility which may be traced back to late antiquity and its marked penchant for flowers, bright colours and luminous effects. Finally, this theme has yet another level of meaning that is well worthy of mention: flowers as a metaphor for piety, virtue and ascetic values. This sort of fragrance originates from Christian virtues and deeds - devotion, fasting and prayer - and in particular from the ascetic way of life. The link between fragrance, flower symbolism and asceticism is a distinctive and very popular topos in Christian literature. It also has biblical models, such as, for example, Isaiah 35,1: 'The wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad for them; and desert shall rejoice, and blossom as the rose.' Exegetes interpreted the concept of the desert in a seemingly paradoxical way as anchoretic paradise and a place of plenty with a multitude of flowers in bloom - metaphor for monks and their virtues. The syntagm desertum floridus, therefore, has not only a strong internal logic, but also a precisely delineated field of meaning. Namely, the main goal of the desert fathers was to 'reconstruct' the Garden of Eden in their own living environments and thus anticipate the future heavenly gardens. The notions contained in the relic-related 'ideology' and practice of the Byzantine world elicited a creative response in the Balkans. The motif of flowers and their fragrance as a metaphor for paradise, triumph over death and rebirth in Christ was given its due place in the process of creating regional and national saintly cults. This may be seen from the texts written for the needs of the cults, such as, for exam-80 pie, the Life of St John of Rila, where the saint's relics are likened to a 'fragrant lily'. Particularly interesting for the subject here discussed is a description of the signs occurring at the grave of St Joachim of Osogov, because it provides a direct analogy with the miraculous uncovering of the relics of archbishop Eustathios. Namely, according to the hagiographer, at that very moment the earth above the grave rose up and the grave became surrounded with many a fragrant flower. In the Serbian environment such ideas can be traced back to the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries or the time of St Sava and Stefan the First-Crowned, that is, the time of the establishment of the cult of their father Nemanja (in monkhood Simeon), the founder of the dynasty. It is quite understandable, then, that the motif of vine with its offshoots, blossoms and fruit became an element of royal ideology in the early days of the medieval Serbian state. Namely, the metaphorical likening of Nemanja's dynasty to a vine laid an emphasis on the idea of dynastic divine election and sanctity. It is already the Service to St Simeon that uses the habitual paraphrase of Psalm 92,12-14 about the flourishing palm tree and Lebanese cedar, but in a distinctive context: their growth and flourishing refers to the growth of Simeon's 'children', which is to say the dynasty and the 'fatherland'. The idea of life-giving growth and thriving is illustrated by other epithets ascribed to Simeon, such as a 'fruit-bearing vine', 'wonderful heaven', a 'flower of faith in the heavenly vineyard', and so on. It should be emphasized that the authors of the eulogies of Simeon, his sons Stefan and Sava, were well-acquainted with the concept of the monastic desert, epitomized by Mount Athos whose attributes are blossoming, fragrance and illumination. Subsequent Serbian writers also made ample use of the idea of the miraculous blossoming and transformation of matter, especially in paraphrasing Psalm 92,12-14. Their paraphrases are never identical, however; on the contrary, the emphasis varies both in substance and in function. Apart from 'ideological' messages about the flourishing dynasty and state, the verses of this psalm are usually used to refer to piety and a virtuous life. It probably is not a coincidence that such references frequently occur in the eulogies to the sainted heads of the Serbian Church, but also to distinguished ascetics. Thus St Sava, 'like a good-smelling lily, is saturated with scents of piety', archbishop Nikodemos [Nikodim] blossoms like a 'fine-growing palm tree', and patriarch Ephrem [Jefrem] 'blossoms offering spiritual gifts'. The virtue attained by two distinguished anchorites, St Peter of Koriša [Petar Koriški] and St Ioannikios of Devič [Joanikije Devički], is described in much the same way. Blossoming as a metaphor for virtuousness and the ascetic struggle did not draw solely upon Psalm 92; it was evoked by a variety of poetic images. The Service to the holy king Milutin, for example, refers to the 'most beautiful flowers of piety', 'diverse flowers of [the king's] many good works', to 'paradise and the lovely lily' or the 'mysterious rose blooming with good works'. The understanding of the ascetic struggle and withdrawal to the desert as a major source of heavenly fragrance and blooming is elaborated with much erudition by Theodosios of Hilandar [Teodosije Hilandarac]. He describes St Sava of Serbia as a 'desert disciple; a child of calling, an offshoot of quietness, a branch of abstinence, a flower of fasting, a fruit of humbleness, perfected by love and compassion'. Theodosios makes ample use of metaphors to describe fragrance as a sign of sanctity and as a vehicle for knowing the higher truth through sensory experience, the truth granted by revelation and divine grace. Similar poetic imagery is found even in post-Kosovo Serbian literature when the predominant saintly model becomes that of the martyr ruler. Thus Gregory Tsamblak [Grigorije Camblak] likens the relics of Stefan of Decani to the flowers of martyrdom and associates them with illumination: 'For at first he grew in your midst as a fragrant rose, and now, amidst the martyrs, he shines forth as a bright star.' Similar attributes were accorded to the relics of the greatest martyr of Kosovo, holy prince Lazar, likened by the writer of his Service to the rose and the lily. The traditional topos of blooming and renewal in the context of the cult of relics continued into the modern age, and in various domains of culture. In the jurisdictional area of the Patriarchate of Pec, this is particularly noticeable in the work of patriarch Paisios [Pajsije] (1614-1647). His programmatic reestablishment of the cults of the Nemanjićs was predicated on theological and poetic models found in the medieval literary legacy. Similar developments are observable in the veneration of the Serbian saints north of the Sava and the Danube between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The concept of a new lineage, that of the Brankovićs of Srem, of its flourishing and fruits, lay at the heart of the religio-political programme of the Metropolitanate of Krušedol, later of Karlovci, and was used as one of major historical arguments for the legitimacy of the Serbian presence in the region. A distinctive aspect of this theme is the materialization, conditionally speaking, of the concept of the blossoming, growth and enlivening of matter as a paradigm of the future resurrection and heavenly abodes. For understandable reasons, this was the central message communicated by Eastern Christian gravestones. Apart from other symbolical and allegorical signs, it was expressed by way of blooming lilies, flowers, foliate vines and fruits. This is observable in the funerary practice of medieval Serbia, too, but its distinctive feature, to judge from the surviving material, is in that this repertoire occurs in the form of a rounded-off programme on the representative tombs of the heads of the church. Particularly important of these are the marble sarcophagi at the Patriarchate of Pec with their semantically highly stratified ornamentation. The idea of resurrection and heavenly bliss is expressed through motifs such as arcades, blossoming crosses, rosette flowers, foliate vines, lilies etc. Given the symbolical nature and metaphorical and associative qualities of Byzantine funerary sculpture, there are good reasons to believe that this decoration in fact evoked texts such as Psalm 92, 12-14 about the future life of the righteous in the house of the Lord. It is in the light of these considerations that we should look at all aspects of the grave of archbishop Eustathios I and the posthumous miracles that occurred at it. A particularly interesting question is whether the story about the miracle with flowers was reflected in the decoration of his tomb. This should be cautiously allowed, given Felix Kanitz's eyewitness record of 1860 that Eustathios' grave was marked with a marble monument with the lid engraved with a cross on a stepped base and a six-petal flower. This lid, now lost, is known from Kanitz's drawing. This may be a mere coincidence, but the fact remains that this decoration has no analogy in the surviving gravemarkers of the heads of the Serbian Church, and that just as unique is Daniel II's narrative about the flowers miraculously growing from Eustathios' grave. What led Daniel II to use, for the first and last time in his work, flower metaphors to describe the posthumous miracles at Eustathios' grave, remains unknown. And yet, there is no doubt that Eustathios I's 'life and deeds' provided a strong defence for the 'fragrance of virtue' and attributes of the heavenly abode manifested by his body. Namely, his ha-giography, both in details and as a whole, and regardless of whether drawing upon hagiographie commonplaces or historical facts, indeed suggests a person profoundly committed to living the life of an 'earthly angel'. This is demonstrated by the stages of his path: longing for a solitary life from early days, withdrawal from the world, taking of monastic vows, devotion to all monastic duties. Moreover, Eustathios was one of those prelates who looked up to St Sava of Serbia and built their habitus in the most illustrious Christian deserts, withdrawing to Athos and making pilgrimages to Jerusalem and the Judean Desert. Eustathios' lifestyle and service was accommodated to supreme models, and its course and stages clearly suggest a person consciously prepared for the highest offices in the hierarchy. At first appointed hegumen of the monastery of Hilandar on Mount Athos, upon his return to Serbia he became bishop of Zeta, and eventually was elevated to archbishop of Serbia with the blessing and under the patronage of king Dragutin. Daniel II does not fail to describe, using standard topoi, his Christian and pastoral virtues, with a special emphasis on the ascetic aspect of his personality. And yet, what made Eustathios a truly outstanding person were his charisma and his holiness, which Daniel portrays using hesychast concepts such as praxis and vision. The same meaning resides in phrases such as 'well-reasoned discernment' and 'well-reasoned words', fundamental notions in Christian ascetic literature. Such abilities, regarded as being God's gift and a charismatic quality of the highest order, were the true source of the authority that the renowned abbasascetics enjoyed among the larger populace of medieval society. According to Christian beliefs, it was this category of 'holy men' - recipients of divine grace - that was granted the privilege of having their relics exude the 'fragrance of virtue' like paradisiacal flowers. This seems to be the framework in which the true meaning of the 'extraordinary sight' at the grave of Eustathios I at Žiča should be understood. .
From the Painted Programme of Saint John (Ayvali Kilise), Cssappadocia
From the Painted Programme of Saint John (Ayvali Kilise), Cssappadocia
In the Church of St. John in Cappadocia, also known as Ayvali Kilise or Gulu dere 4, on the frescoes which were painted between 913 and 920, particular devotion was shown for the cult of the archangels. The two archangels Michael and Gabriel, were painted in very large dimensions, with inscriptions describing them as 'great', besides giving their names. In addition to that a unique group of two figures was presented. It depicted the monk Archippos turned toward a colossal figure of the archangel Michael, painted strictly frontally. The iconographical relationship of these two figures, unrecorded in scholarly literature, indicates that this was definitely Archippos, the custodian of the important shrine of the Archangel Michael at Chonai, which still existed in those times. This would not only be a very early, but the only preserved presentation of Archippos, other than his appearance in the well-known composition of the Miracle of the Archangel Michael at Chonai.
Gospel scenes in the narthex of the Mileševa church. A contribution to the reconstruction and interpretation of the original programme
Gospel scenes in the narthex of the Mileševa church. A contribution to the reconstruction and interpretation of the original programme
The paper is focused on the issue of the original content and structure of a heavily damaged iconographic whole in the narthex of the Mileševa monastery church. A careful examination of the surviving material and contemporary analogies seeks to elucidate the unknowns and dilemmas surrounding the adopted solutions. The analysis of the content of the frescoes on the side walls should clarify the role of the Last Supper and the Washing of the Feet within the small group of scenes whose underlying theme was the Passion of Christ. The findings concerning the relationship between these scenes and a seemingly inexplicable combination of solutions on the west wall corroborate the assumption that the whole was conceived as a system of counterparts. Some observations substantiate the recently advanced hypothesis that the now gone east wall of the narthex featured, above the door to the naos, a Crucifixion scene as an integral and especially emphasized component of the cycle. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br.177003: Srednjovekovno nasleđe Balkana: institucije i kultura]
Hagia Sophia, Constantinople
Hagia Sophia, Constantinople
This article examines the mosaic images in the apse and tympana of Hagia Sophia that have been attributed to the reigns of the emperors Basil I (867-886) and Leo VI (886-912). In the past, scholars have discussed these images through the lens of theological and political developments of the period. Several unusual aspects of the program, the choice of images, the body language of the figures, and the specific orientation of the images vis-à-vis liturgical and imperial ceremonies and rites have not been given sufficient attention. An examination of the apse and tympana programs shows that probably both were planned together to reflect the functional needs of the congregation that worshipped in Hagia Sophia.
Holy gardener and holy bishop
Holy gardener and holy bishop
Holy martyrs by the name of Phokas, a gardener and a bishop, both from Sinope, were not frequently portrayed in the Eastern Christian world. They were sometimes depicted with objects relating them to seafaring, and the holy bishop in particular was shown holding a paddle. The source of such images can be traced to the writings devoted to the martyrs. The issue of why the holy bishop was depicted mainly in the Byzantine empire and the Russian principality is also discussed. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177036: Srpska srednjovekovna umetnost i njen evropski kontekst]
I mosaici della cappella di Sant'Isidoro nella basilica di San Marco fra la tradizione bizantina e le novita' di Paolo Veneziano
I mosaici della cappella di Sant'Isidoro nella basilica di San Marco fra la tradizione bizantina e le novita' di Paolo Veneziano
Il saggio propone una riflessione sull'ultima decorazione musiva medioevale della Basilica di San Marco a Venezia. I mosaici della cappella di Sant'Isidoro rivelano da un lato la persistenza di stilemi propri alia secolare tradizione orientale, medio-bizantina, comnena, non disgiunti da quelli derivanti dalla rinascenza paleologa, suggestiva componente, talora interpretata in modo problematico. Su questo substrato culturale, il laboratorio marciano cercb d'innestare, anche se con dijflcolta, una ricerca figurativa incentrata sulle possibilità naturalistiche della rappresetazione, in concomitanza con la contemporanea pittura di Paolo Veneziano. .
Icon of the Holy Mandylion and representation of multi-layered visual identity of Božidar Vuković
Icon of the Holy Mandylion and representation of multi-layered visual identity of Božidar Vuković
It was in the monastery of Saint Francis in Venice in the year 1520 when Božidar Vuković purchased the icon of the Holy Mandylion. By that particular acquisition, this prominent publisher originating from Zeta has visualized his new position in the sixteenth century Venice. The multi-layered identity of Božidar Vuković was manifested by the subsequent inclusion of the noble coat of arms of the House of Vuković on the back of the icon. By the use of verbal and visual language the artificial initiation of Božidar Vuković within the distinguished members of Venetian society has been confirmed. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177001: Predstave identiteta u verbalno-vizuelnoj kulturi novog doba]
Iconographic changes of ecclesiastic seals in the medieval Hungarian Kingdom (illustrated by the example of Spiš chapter provosts)
Iconographic changes of ecclesiastic seals in the medieval Hungarian Kingdom (illustrated by the example of Spiš chapter provosts)
The study deals with the evolution of great seals used by provosts of the St. Martin´s Spiš Collegiate Chapter in the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. A seal image used to be an important part of seals. From the iconographic point of view the most interesting are seals of clerical institutions and dignitaries. These items, containing a large number of depicted motifs, became an important source of research in the area of medieval iconography, hagiography, heraldry and the history of art in general. The study introduces the evolution and metamorphoses of motifs as they appeared on Spiš provosts´ seals during the thirteenth-fifteenth centuries.
Iconographic images on the seals and coinage of the Doukas dynasty
Iconographic images on the seals and coinage of the Doukas dynasty
The paper analyzes the iconography of the images on the seals and coins of the Byzantine Doukas dynasty (1059-1078). It points to the iconographic motifs the Doukas emperors introduced or reintroduced into Byzantine sphragistics and numismatics. What is especially highlighted is the power of the Byzantine imperial ideology of the divine origin of emperorship which played a prominent role in the iconography of the imperial seals and coins of the Doukas dynasty. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177015: Hrišćanska kultura na Balkanu u srednjem veku: Vizantijsko carstvo, Srbi i Bugari od IX do XV veka]

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