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: "ЦРВЕНИ ТОЧАК" АЛЕКСАНДРА СОЛЖЕЊИЦИНА И ЊЕГОВА „РЕХАБИЛИТАЦИЈА” СТОЛИПИНА; Although his world glory came with „The Gulag Archipelago”, „The Red Wheel” has to be considered magnum opus of the famous Russian writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn. In this colossal work, divided in the four „knots” (the detailed accounts of relatively brief periods), Solzhenitsyn presents his own view on the revolution of 1917, derived from his lasting and patient researches of historical evidence. A considerable part of the fi rst „knot” of „The Red Wheel”, „August 1914”, is devoted to Peter Stolypin, the Russian Prime Minister (1906–1911), whom Solzhenitsyn admires with great intensity and, occasionally, lack of reserve. In contrast with the Soviet and partly in contrast with the Western historiography, Solzhenitsyn emphasizes the positive sides of Stolypin’s controversial statesmanship. He staunchly defends Stolypin’s method of using courts martial in his war against the revolutionary terrorism as inevitable and necessary. Surprisingly, Solzhenitsyn mostly respects Stolypin’s agrarian reform which authorized peasants to leave the anachronistic land communes: although he could be regarded as belonging to the Slavophile tradition of the 19th century, he rejects the ideal of land commune that Slavophiles uncritically admired.

: (ДИС)КОНТИНУИТЕТ БЕЗ ПРЕСЕДАНА ЗДРАВСТВЕНА ПОЛИТИКА ЈУГОСЛОВЕНСКЕ ДРЖАВЕ У ПРВОЈ ПОЛОВИНИ 20. ВЕКА; The end of the First World War ushered into the new era in defi ning the healthcare policy, which centered much more than ever before, on public health problems and prevention. The attempt at reform of the healthcare policy in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia which strove to put on one side the society, seen through the lens of social causes of sickness and the physician or the social worker who would work where people lived and worked and not in a laboratory or a ward, on the other side, failed to yield noteworthy results. The Second World War diminished the modest results achieved in the fi eld of social medicine and struggle against grave illnesses. The „Socialist” healthcare system, as one of the „branches of service” was saddled with the task of fi ghting the deep-grained benightedness of the people which was not only a real danger for the defense capacity of the people and the socialist regime, but also the „prime enemy”, perceived for ideological and political reasons as an obstacle to the process of modernization of the Yugoslav society. Large health problems were one of the major tests for the insuffi ciently developed and professionally unrooted healthcare service. Trained to work in wards and not under the most unpropitious conditions, the medical staff, just like before 1941, offered strong resistance to the new tendencies of the modern medicine which demanded that doctors go out of their wards and join the benighted and sick people living all over the Yugoslav state. Although it was exceedingly interested in training new cadres, the state did not fi nd the way to educate the suffi cient number of physicians, middle and lower medical staff and secure the adequate conditions for work and further education. Financially insecure, prevented from having private practice, in a time when their profession was asked to undergo utmost sacrifi ces in order to solve the largest social problems which the state had not solved throughout the previous decades, the attitude of the medical staff was a kind of silent resistance to a regime which could satisfy neither their professional nor existential demands.

: Aging in Serbia in the Twentieth Century; The text sheds light on some research questions regarding the gender aspects of the past. It gives basic notes on accelerated demographic aging, as well as a historical review of the processes of aging in Serbia and gender inequality among the older generations, i.e. the feminization of the past. This work also includes presentations and perceptions of old age, thus older women, as well as how they are presented in domestic films.

: Alojzije Stepinac, Student of the Collegium Germanicum (1924–1931); The seven-year stay at the Collegium Germanicum (1924–1931) had a major inϐluence on the ideological and religious maturation of Alojzije Stepinac. Education at this seminary for Roman Catholic priests, administered by the Jesuits, took place in circumstances of intensiϐied clericalization of Croatian society and conϐlict between the Catholic Church and the Yugoslav state.

: Always in the Minority; he paper analyzes the activities and views of Živojin Perić, PhD, a distinguished intellectual of pre-war Yugoslavia, during the Nazi occupation of Serbia. Although the paper focuses on his views and opinions regarding the war, it also includes his pre-war opinions and convictions on various political and social issues in order to present their continuity or lack thereof.

: Art and Repression. A Report on the Reactions to the Resolutions of the CC SCP (B); About the Purge of the Soviet Music of “Nefarious Influences of Decadence and Formalism” in 1948

: Ausweis, Guards and Borders; This paper analyses the travelling of the Serbian citizens during the Nazi occupation. The special emphasis is placed on the travelling of the members of the Serbian middle class. It deals with different aspects of the issue: the restrictions imposed by the occupier, symbolically expressed through ausweis (personal documents, passes, and permits), guards and borders, motives for travelling, organization and security problems, types and forms of travelling, the structure of the citizens-travellers and the like. It also points to the difference between travelling within the borders of the country and travelling abroad.

: AГРАРНО ПИТАЊЕ – „СВЕТО ПИТАЊЕ“; As a state controlled intervention in agrarian issues, starting from land production up to (and above all) the land ownership, agrarian reform means more or less elaborated range of attitudes and values, undoubtedly of ideological provenance. In this article, I tried to deal with those ideological aspects of agrarian reform in the interwar Yugoslavia, limiting the fi eld research in twofold: chronologically – to the period 1919–1920, and thematically – to the general scope of the ideological contents. Ideological aspects of the reform are mostly present in the agrarian legislature and even more in vigorous public debate on agrarian issue. The encompassing ideological base was the concept of Yugoslavia as the „peasant state“, in which the agrarian issue is to be solved following Serbian model (small free peasant ownership), abolishing feudal and capitalist social differences. Besides omnipresent emphasizing of the agrarian issue as one of the most important in the state, the proper laws have been waiting for the passing until 1931. In the meantime, the authorities regulated the reform neglecting existing weak legal base embodied in the controversial Interim Decree and other regulations issued by the related Ministry or by the Government. This legal nihilism enabled the substantial relativisation of the private property principle, which was the problem inherited from the prewar Serbian practice. In spite of the sharp political differences amongst opposed parties, in the view of the ideology, if not the practice con cerning Agrarian Reform, it is possible to identify substantial harmony of values.

: BRITANSKA POLITIKA I STVARANJE ALBANIJE 1912–1914; With the outbreak of the Balkan wars in 1912, a massive European crisis had emerged. One of the most crucial problems was the question regarding the formation of borders and, in general, the creation of Albanian state. Although British politics didn't have a direct interest in this question its involvement was determined by increasing hostility between Russia and Austro-Hungary on the Balkans, which threatened to lead Europe into a conflict of unforeseeable scale. Maintaining the unity of the powers and finding a solution to prevent thus clash were set as Britain’s primary goal. Towards this end, British Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Gray, with German support, organized the Conference of Ambassadors in London. This body was designed to quickly and efficiently find the solution to this problem. The Conference commenced on the 17th of December, 1912, in London. The negotiations were difficult and often come to a dead end. This issue of setting the Northern and Southern borders along with the organization of Albanian state institutions challenged British diplomacy and pushed Europe to the brink of war. The crisis brought about a significant bonding of Germany and Britain with the borders of Albania set according to the interest of the Central powers. Although the conference managed to postpone the outbreak of the war between the powers, British politics failed insofar as the unity of the powers wasn’t preserved. Deeply divided, they would come to face a new Balkan crisis. Although strongly opposed to it, Britain became involved in a war whose trigger came from the Balkans. At the conference, an Albanian state was formed, but this did not resolve the „Albanian question” that would appear before the world’s powers time and time again.

: Bijelo dugme Concert in Hajdučka česma in Belgrade (1977); This paper shows how the concert at Hajdučka česma established Bijelo dugme as a unique Yugoslav phenomenon. The event is presented in analogy with Beatlemania and mass gatherings of the hippies in the West. Based on research, the paper proves the soundness of the analogy. The study is written on the basis of archival documentation available at the Archives of Yugoslavia (Arhiv Jugoslavije – AY), the Historical Archives of Belgrade (HAB), Yugoslav press (daily, youth, party, political, music, entertainment), interviews with contemporaries, Serbian, Yugoslav and foreign scholars and other literature.

: Brak i porodični odnosi u Srbiji u drugoj polovini 20. Veka; Marriage was and remained the base of family life in Serbia. Marriage is very popular amoung young generation, according to the survey carried out in the secondary schools in Belgrade. Marriage and family relations, and relations between parents and children are regulated by the Low on merriage and family relations. Husband and wife are equal in their marital and in their parental rights and obligations. However, husband and wife are not equally engaged in family life. Wife has more important role in family life and she has more obligations for bringing up the children. Moreover, she is responsible for almost whole housework. This kind of the role in familylife determined women`s social position in Serbia. A lot of obligations in family life and marriage are limited factors for professional afirmation of women and their participation in polities.

: Britanski pogled na Hrvatsku 1945.−1948

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