Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta
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Publisher: Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
ISSN: 0584-9888
eISSN: 2406-0917
Pages
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- What has been lost from the Serbian 13th century menaia?
- This paper deals with the differences that existed between Serbian menaia of the XIII and XIV centuries. Differences, in the first place, are considering the calendar i.e. the saints who were included in XIII century manuscripts and who, according to the Jerusalem liturgical tradition of the XIV century were eliminated from the XIV century manuscripts. The typica, that conduct the liturgical aspects of the service, had the major role in that process. This research is based on the manuscripts no. 58 and 361 of the Archive of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, no. 647 of the National Library of Serbia and no. 608 of the Hilandar Monastery. At the same time, the oldest Slavonic i.e. Russian manuscripts (from the very end of the XI and from the XII century) of the kind were included in this research. It appeared that apart from the differences considering the calendar, there are significant disagreements in content between the services dedicated to certain saints in the manuscripts of the XIII and XIV centuries. Full attention was given to the appearance of the services dedicated to one saint, that were copied almost at the same time, but with different content. The service of the 1. November (according to the mss. ASANU 361 and National Library 647) is offered as a vivid example.
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- What the West has won by the Fall of Byzantium?
- After the Fall of Byzantium, a large number of Greek humanists arrived in Europe. They greatly affected the study of Greek language and thought in the whole of Europe. This paper investigates three main areas of their influence: teaching, translating, and publishing.
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- When was king Stefan the first-crowned included among the saints?
- The surviving sources suggest that St Sava of Serbia was, as part of the programme of securing sacral legitimacy for the state and dynasty, setting the scene for the inclusion of his brother Stefan, the first-crowned Serbian king, among the saints. This part of the programme was not fully realized, but the focus of the cult was on the incorrupt relics. The cult of Stefan the First-Crowned was not rounded off until the seventeenth century, when the Patriarch Paisios wrote a vita and a service. The development of the cult over the centuries (from the 13th to the 20th century) was a direct reflection of changing historical circumstances and the prevailing ideology of rulership. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177003 (Srednjovekovno nasleđe Balkana - institucije i kultura]
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- Who was despot Tornik in the graphite of the scribe Nestor
- In the church of Saint George in the village Gornji Kozjak near Štip on the fresco-icon of Jesus Christ Antiphonetes (the Guarantor) on the south face of the northwest pier there was found the graphite inscription made by the scribe Nestor in the time of despot Tornik. The analysis and the quality of fresco painting as well as the morphology of letters indicate the period between the last decades of XIII and the very beginning of the XIV century. These enable the identification of despot Tornik with the famous apostate from Byzantium Kotanitzes Tornikios who twice run over to Serbian territory. Together with Serbian troops he has been devastating the border region between Serbia and Byzantium for nearly twenty years (1280-1299). He led exciting and adventurous life and become settled in the lower valley of the river Bregalnica. His long Serbian episode was finished when the king Milutin changed his political orientation towards Byzantium and Kotanitzes became too heavy burden for both sides. He was sacrificed and delivered to Byzantine emperor Andronicus II in 1299, when long negotiations about the wedding between the king Milutin and the Byzantine child — princess Simonida were completed. Kotanitzes was still in prison in 1306. .
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- Who was the eponym of the village with the enigmatic name of Kondofrej in the Valley of the Strymon?
- This paper sheds light on the eponym of the village of Kondofrej in the Upper Strymon Valley. It mainly discussed the possibility that the village was named after Manuel Kontofré, commander of the Nicaean fleet. It is also very probable that he was a Nicaean governor, who had his seat there.
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- Zakon gospodina Konstantina i carice Jevdokije
- (francuski) Le seigneur Konstantin Dragaš était un seigneur local qui régnait en Macédoine orientale (1372-1395) sur des territoires situes a l’est du Vardar et plus avant, en direction de la vallée de la Mesta. Sur cet espace et plus particulièrement dans la partie sud-est de la région montagneuse appelée Skopska crna gora, il détenait plusieurs possessions héréditaires ('patrimoine'), dont une église dédiée a la Présentation de la Vierge, sise dans le village d’Arhiljevica prés de Preševo. A cette église étaient rattaches 19 villages avec la totalité de leur population, de sorte que le seigneur Konstantin et sa mère l''impératrice' (dépointa) Jevdokija ont adopte une série de règlements, appelés 'Loi pour les gens de l'église' établissant les obligations des paysans dépendants de cette église. Il est connu que les paysans vivant dans les anciennes terres serbes étaient redevables d'un grand nombre de corvées compare aux donations en nature restant faible, a la différence des contrées que le roi Milutin avait enlevées aux Byzantins (1280-1283) ou ils étaient redevables de fortes donations en nature, qui étaient perçues selon le système de la 'dime'. Un telle prédominance des donations en nature n'apparait pas de façon aussi nette dans la ' loi pour les gens de l'église', qui devait être appliquée (1379) sur les possessions de l'église de la Présentation de la Vierge a Arhiljevica. Parmi les donations en nature figurent uniquement la ' dime' des moutons et la 'dime' des peaux, alors que sont absentes les 'dimes' de blé et de vin. Au lieu du versement du dixième de leur production de vin, les paysans étaient tenus de travailler, pour l'église, une partie de sa vigne dont la superficie correspondait a l'mat' (environ 965 m²). Le texte de cette'loi' ne mentionne pas non plus la ' dime' du blé, mais, en contre partie, les paysans y sont tenus d'effectuer ' 3 jours de labour par an' pour le compte de l'église et d'accomplir, sur la surface travaillée, tous les travaux des champs lies a la production de céréales, allant des semailles au battage. L'obligation de ' d'effectuer 3 jours de labour' représente approximativement un tiers de la grande obligation de labour concernant 9 ' mati', soit ' 8 jours de labour', dont étaient redevables les paysans des anciennes terres serbes. Le second tiers de la ' dime' de blé était fourni par les paysans sous forme d'une donation de 4 kab’l (68,32 l) de blé, ce qui représente approximativement le tiers du dixième de la production correspondant a une moisson moyenne. En l'occurrence un agriculteur disposant d'une paire de bœufs pouvait, au cours d'une année, labourer et semer de blé environ 2,5 a 3 hectares et obtenir, sur cette superficie, un peu plus de 2000 litres de blé. Un dixième de cette quantité correspond donc a 200 litres, de sorte que 68 l. représentaient approximativement un tiers d'une ' dime' habituelle. Enfin, le troisième tiers de la ' dime' de blé était fourni sous forme de service de transport pour le compte de l'église, concrètement le transport du blé et d'autres choses depuis Arhiljevica jusqu'a la vallée de la Struma. Il en ressort que la totalité des charges des paysans étaient approximativement identique sur tout le territoire de l'Etat serbe médiéval et ce qu'ils soient tenus de verser des ' dimes' de blé ou d'animaux domestiques ou se voient imposer de grandes corvées de ' labour' ou sous forme d'autres travaux des champs.
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- Überlegungen zu Toponymen der Region Kastoria aus dem Osmanischen defter von 1440
- Defter number 237 of the Başbakanlık arşivi (Archives of the office of the Prime Minister) in İstanbul dated approximately to the year 1440 is a valuable source for about 70 villages situated in the Region of Kastoria (Northern Greece). On the basis of recently published studies of Charalampos P. Symeōnidēs, Geōrgios Tsotsos and Angelikē Delikarē the identification, localization and etymology of 47 selected toponyms are discussed.
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- Αγιοσ Γεωργιοσ ο Γοργοσ
- The author of this article attempts to interpret the name “gorgos” associated with Saint George, utilizing data from the oldest tradition in conjunction with the historical environment in which revives the worship of the saint as equestrian Akrita warrior. The relationship of the rider hero with his warhorse raises the heroism of the military saints of the East, particularly of Cappadocia at a time when the bravery and the heroism of the lads of the Akritian circle is generally emerging. The combination akrita/soldier and farmer meets at the same person of Saint George, who later appears in the iconography, as protector of the water, highlighting the type of “dragonslayer”. As a formidable equestrian warrior, the Saint smites the enemies of Byzantium during the two wars that Constantine IX Monomachus conducts against the Patsinakoi, considering that Saint George stood firmly by his side. So George as “gorgos” warrior, is being adopted as the protector of the palace at whom the emperor dedicates the temple of the Mangana Palace. With the status of “protector” of the imperial house of Byzantium, Saint George becomes prostate symbol of the “royal house” and is being adopted in imitation, from the Serbian House of Nemanides, whose members lived in the environment of the capital of Byzantium and experienced customs and traditions of the Byzantine court and society. This explains the “transposition” of the worship of Saint George with the status of warrior - “gorgos” protector of Byzantium at the Serbian territory of the house of Nemanides and appears to resort in the monuments, accepting the great honor as “family saint protector” from the rulers of the dynasty that had multifarious relations with Byzantium.
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- Ενα αινιγματικο χωριο στην oratio funebris in Stylianam filiam του Mιχαηλ Ψελλου
- Τhis study examines the funeral oration that Michael Psellos dedicated to the memory of his only biological child, his daughter Styliane, who died before the age of marriage when she was nine years old. Αs expected, her death caused him unutterable sorrow and grief, since Styliane was his only child for which he had high hopes for a future marriage corresponding to her bodily, spiritual and mental virtues which are being thoroughly praised throughout the funeral oration. However, at the end of his speech Psellos makes an oblique reference to her using the phrase αὐταδέλφων εὐτύχημα (blessing of your siblings), raising the question of whether this statement constitutes an allusion to the fact that Styliane had probably other siblings, a brother or a sister. Therefore, the aim of the present article is to stress the absence of a consensus among scholars concerning this puzzling passage and to provide a new proposal aiming at its decipherment.
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- Η νομολογια, κινητρο νομοθετικησ πρωτοβουλιασ του Λεοντοσ ΣΤ΄ του Σοφου
- In this article we try to find the legislative initiatives of Leo VI the Wise and especially if case-law is a motive, because we do not have enough information from the sources for case-law. Indeed Leo’s Novels n. 25, 42, 92 regulating subjects of civil and penal law are based on verdicts and their prooimia mention them.
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- Μανια as a ground for divorce in Novellae CXI and CXII of Leo the wise
- In this work, I shell try to make clear what the term μανία stands for in Leo’s Novella CXI and in Novella CXII. Another important question is change in legal status of mentally ill wife or husband, and its consequences when it comes to division of property during and after divorce. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177032: Tradicija, inovacija i identitet u vizantijskom svetu]
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- Παρατηρhσεισ για τον «Kαθολικον απογραφeα» Ιωaννη Βατaτζη
- This article examines the case of the protokynegos Ioannes Batatzes, who is mentioned by the rather unique designation of the “katholikos apographeus” in a judicial decision of the governor of Thessalonike, Ioannes Doukas Apokaukos (1344). By carefully studying the preserved documentary material and the narrative sources, we reach the conclusion that Batatzes was a fiscal official who served for at least five or even ten years and whose district of authority included the entire Byzantine empire. We also try to investigate the administrative relationship between the katholikos apographeus and the contemporary apographeis, operating in large or small districts. Finally, we note that such an extended assignment could be regarded as a personal distinction given exceptionally to Batatzes. However, it is more likely that it was related to a project set on by Andronikos III Palaiologos in an attempt to improve the management of public resources and to reduce fiscal disorder. In any case, this new administrative practice did not obtain a permanent and institutional quality, as the aggravated political and military conditions no longer favoured general-scale fiscal activities.