Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta

: Starac dana kao osoben ikonografski motiv zografa Onufrija u Kosturu; (grčki) Ē kallitecnikē dēmioyrgia toy zōgraphoy Onoyphrioy stēn periocē tēs Kastorias employtizetai epipleon me mia nea skēnē, sto nao tōn Agiōn Apostolōn Kastorias, ē opoia sygchronōs fernei sto proskēnio to pneymatiko ypobaqro tōn anthrōpōn poy synelaban tēn idea tēs sygkekrimenēs apeikonisēs. H ergasia prospathei n’ anadeixei tēn ideologikē basē panō stēn opoia stēricthēke ē eikonographia tēs parastasēs me ton Palaio tōn Ēmerōn ōs kentriko prosōpo, ta symbola tōn eyaggelistōn kai toys dyo profētes. Me tēn boētheia orismenōn keimenōn paterōn tēs ekklēsias kai idiaitera toy Maximoy Omologētē ginetai prospatheia exēgēsēs toy symbolismoy tēs parastasēs. Tonizetai telos kai o rolos tēs ploysias kallitecnikēs klēronomias tēs Kastorias, poy synebale kathoristika stēn anaptyx neōn eikonographikōn thematōn.

: Strumički metoh Hilandara; (francuski) Chilandar a acquis ses premières possessions dans la région de la Strumica, vraisemblablement en 1336, lorsque le chef de guerre Chrelja a fait don au monastère de l'église du Saint-Archange-Michel située a Štip. Les biens de cette église comprenaient les villages situes sur la rivière Lukavica (aujourd'hui Kriva Lakavica), puis toute une région limitée au nord-est par le mont Drakšan, au nord la rivière Petrova, au nord-ouest et a l'ouest les monts Slivnica et Ogražeden, au sud le village de Sekirnik et son territoire et, a l'est le ruisseau appelé Vasilica. Puis, l'empereur Dušan lui a rattache, peu âpres 1348 et avant la délivrance de son ordonnance de 1349-1353, des pâturages qui se trouvaient a une dizaine de kilomètres au nord de l'Ogražeden et d'une ligne Drakšan-Slivnica, en s'avançant vers les hauteurs appelées Maleške. Toujours sous le règne de l'empereur Dušan Chilandar a reçu de Laskaris Koteanitza le village de Bresnica, situe sur la rive gauche de la Strumica, a une vingtaine de kilomètres au nord-est de la ville de Strumica, mais il lui a été repris vers 1364 pour être remis a Saint-Panteleemon. Par la suite, Chilandar, sur une décision du juge général Michel Skoulis agissant sur l'ordre du despote Uglješa, a recouvre ce village en janvier 1371, pour le reperdre vers juin 1374, lorsque Constantin Laskaris l'a repris pour le remettre a nouveau a Saint-Panteleemon. Il semble qu'en 1375/76 la limite sud-ouest du metoque de Chilandar sur la Strumica partait du mont Draguljevo pour s'avancer, en suivant une crête jusqu'au ruisseau Drivoš, 'puis passant' au-dessus de Pačkovo 'et' en suivant la route au-dessus de la source de Barovo, jusqu'a Bresnica, puis, plus au sud, la limite suivait la route partant de Sekirnik et traversant Borujevo, pour déboucher sur la Turija, dont elle suivait le cours jusqu'au gue tou Staurou d'ou elle suivait la Strumica jusqu'au gue de Fragkopoulou et au ruisseau Vasilica. On ignore a quelle époque Chilandar a reçu la terre de pronoiaires grecs, sise sur la rive droite de la Strumica autour de laquelle a surgi un litige lorsque Saint-Panteleemon a reçu les villages voisins de Makrijevo et de Mokrani (1372-1375). Cette terre, reconnue comme un bien de Chilandar par un jugement des évêques de Strumica et de Banje en 1375/1376, est mentionnée déjà l'année suivante, comme une donation des frères Dragaš, le despotes Jean et Constantin, a Saint-Panteleemon. L'observation de la création et de l'évolution du metoque de Chilandar dans la région de la Strumica nous a permis d'établir certaines conclusions s'agissant des actes qui nous renseignent sur ce metoque. Nous considérons que l'acte compose (Korablev Chil. slaves, n 8) contient des données fidèlement reprises de l'acte d'acquisition des biens de l'église du Saint-Archange-Michel a Štip et de celui de donation, en faveur de Chilandar, du roi Dušan. Les exemplaires du chrysobulle (1334, 1336) du roi Dušan portant confirmation de la donation de Chrelja a Chilandar ont été modifies lors du litige autour des villages de Karbinci sur la Bregalnica et de Bresnica, sis sur la rive gauche de la Strumica, ainsi que de la terre des pronoiaires grecs.

: Studijski manastir i Bugari u srednjem veku VIII-XVI vek; Poznate su odavno, ali slabo proučene veze Bugara sa carigradskim manastirima. U ovom smislu, poseban značaj za istraživanja ima studijski manastir Sv. Jovan Preteča. Kako je ovaj snažni crkveno-religiozni i kulturni centar vekovima predstavljao stožer carigradskog monaštva, od epohe ikonoborstva pa do kraja vizantijske epohe, očevidno je da njegovo mesto u bugarskoj istoriji predstavlja pojavu vrednu proučavanja iz više aspekata. U samoj bugarskoj literaturi ta proučavanja su započela još u XVIII veku kada je, pred kraj stoleća, jeroshimonah Spiridon Gabrovski pisao o legendarnom učešću dvojice studijskih monaha u tzv. ćirilo-metodijevskom pokrštavanju Bugara. Na strogo naučnim osnovama, istraživanja bugarsko-studijskih veza započeo je Ivan Gošev (1886-1965), a nastavio Ivan Dujčev (1907-1986). Početak ovih veza pada u drugu polovinu VIII veka, sa dolaskom znatnog broja begunaca iz Bugarske u Carigrad, koji su u vizantijskoj prestonici pokršteni a neki od njih postali i monasi. Tada, i kasnije, oni su često nazivani Skitima (poznati Tadej Skit). Od vremena slavnog igumana Teodora Studita prisustvo Bugara sve više zaokuplja i Studijski manastir. Odgovarajući izvorni podaci počinju da se pojavljuju već u Teodorovim pismima i njegovom "Malom ketehizisu", potom i u njegovim žitijima, i obeleženi su neprijateljskim stavom prema Bugarima. Slede sinaksari X veka i menologion iz vremena Vasilija II "Bugaroubice", tekstovi u kojima se spominju mnogi Vizantinci, stradali u sukobima sa Bugarima. Deo tih tekstova dobio je slovenske prevode u XIII veku. Sa pokrštavanjem Bugara u drugoj polovini IX veka započinje epoha jednog kvalitativno drugačijeg prisustva Bugara u Carigradu i odnosa Vizantinaca prema njima. Raste u ovom pogledu značaj Studijskog manastira, čije se uredbe o monaškom životu, kao i dela Teodora Studita i njegove sabraće prevode na bugarski jezik. Iskopavanja Ravnenskog manastira blizu Pliske pokazuju da njegov katolikon (osvećen 889) sledi arhitekturu katolikona Studiona. Osim toga, manastir je nesumnjivo živeo po monaškim pravilima Studiona. To je vreme kada se u Bugarskoj prevodi Triod, himnografski zbornik Teodora Studita i njegovog brata Josifa.Za XI i XII vek malo je raspoloživog materijala a slabo je i izučavana tematika veza na relaciji Studion-Bugarska. U sledećem, XIII stoleću razvija se u starobugarskoj književnosti strast za prevođenjem dela Teodora Studita i druge monaške literature iz Vizantije. Tada, kao i u XIV veku, neprestano raste uloga manastira Studion i njegovog skriptorija za razvitak bugarske književne kulture. Izrazit primer u ovom smislu predstavlja Londonsko jevanđelje, najbogatije ilustrovan starobugarski rukopis, nastao 1355/56. godine. Njegove minijature vuku poreklo iz jednog grčkog jevanđelja XI veka (Cod. Paris. gr. 74), za koje se obično smatra da je nastalo u Studijskom manastiru. Za rečene veze od posebnog je značaja dolazak poznatog bugarskog isihaste Teodora Trnovskog sa učenicima u Carigrad (1363). Bugari su bili smešteni u manastiru Sv. Mamanta, ali su Teodosijevi učenici posle njegove smrti, koja je usledila ubrzo po dolasku, prešli u Studion. Jedan od učenika bio je i budući patrijarh Evtimije Trnovski koji se iskazao kao vrstan prevodilac grčke crkvene literature na bugarski jezik. Najzad, ovaj niz poslenika zaključuje slavni Grigorije Camblak koji je za vreme svog višegodišnjeg boravka u Carigradu (1393-1400) dosta vremena proveo u manastiru Studion i tamo sastavio neke od svojih tekstova. Tako se pokazuje da do kraja epohe vizantijsko-bugarskih odnosa Studijski manastir igra najznačajniju ulogu u kreiranju uticaja vizantijske prestonice na slovenskog suseda.

: Study of the standing figures in the five domes of the Virgin Ljeviška in Prizren; Raniji radovi posvećeni Bogorodici Ljeviškoj pružaju mnoga rešenja u odnosu na ovaj značajan umetnički spomenik. Ipak ni sva pitanja nisu još postavljena, ni svi odgovori nađeni. Uz dokumentarnu pomoć crteža fresaka ove katedrale urađenim od Branislava Živkovića, u ovom članku se pita koje su ličnosti slikane u tamburima ove petokupolne crkve, i koji od njih mogu da budu identifikovani, što bi doprinelo još boljem razumevanju ikonografskog programa ovoga dela crkve. Od ukupno naslikanih dvadeset četiri figure, devet ima relativno dobro sačuvan epitet "prorok", a osam od njih i dosta čitljiva imena, čime su pozitivno identifikovane te stojeće figure. Njima treba dodati predstavu proroka Danila iz glavne kupole, koji se uvek lako raspoznaje po svom odelu. Dva mlada proroka u istoj grupi su Avakum i Zaharija Mlađi, ali, pošto su ikonografski veoma slični, trebalo je i da se nađe konačno rešenje ko je ko od njih dvojice. Tražeći način da ce identifikuju bar još neki od naslikanih proroka, upotrebljeno je, pored ikonografskog, još nekoliko istraživačkih metoda. To su: princip predstavljanja proroka u određenim parovima; stavljanje najznačajnijih ličnosti sa obe strane istočnog prozora u tamburu; sistem uključivanja i isključivanja proroka pri njihovom izboru u grupe manje od šesnaest figura; upoređenja sa citatima ispisanim na rotulusima koje nose proroci u drugim crkvama sa onim sačuvanim u Bogorodici Ljeviškoj, i najzad identifikacija oštećenih tekstova iz glavne kupole ove crkve. Konačni rezultat ovih istraživanja je sledeći: šest od osam proroka i četiri od šest ispisanih tekstova su identifikovani u tamburu glavne kupole (Sl. 3 i 4). Posle identifikacije figura u ostalim tamburima, zaključeno je da dve još bezimene figure iz glavne kupole pripadaju grupi malih proroka, tj. da su dva od sledećih pet: Osija, Joil, Amos, Naum i Agej. Moguće je da bi dalja specifično ikonografska istraživanja uspela da ustanove i njihove identitete. U jugozapadnom tamburu prorok Ilija je prepoznat i po svom tipičnom odelu, a i po neposrednoj blizini proroka Jeliseja sa kojim čini formalan par (Sl. 7). Ovoj listi treba dodati proroka Abdiju u jugoistočnom (Sl. 10), i Miheja u severozapadnom tamburu (Sl. 8). Od ukupno dvadeset četiri stojeće figure naslikane u tamburima Bogorodice Ljeviške ostalo je samo još šest neidentifikovanih proroka. Prepoznavanje ovih biblijskih ličnosti doprinosi mnogo i boljem razumevanju Hristovih likova koji su predstavljeni u pet kalota ove katedrale.

: Symmachia kai philia in the histories of John Cantacuzenos; The article deals with the phrase symmachia kai philia, as used by John Cantacuzenos (Hist. I 8; II 5; II 25). John Cantacuzenos was familiar with the phrase (denoting forms of treaty or alliance between the states) through classical authors (Polybius, еspecially), but it seems that symmachia kai philia (in that specific word order) was borrowed from the First Book of Maccabbes.

: Synaxarion vita of Saint Mary of Egypt - the earliest Serbian manuscript copies; The paper discusses Synaxarion vita of Saint Mary of Egypt according to earliest Serbian copies in synaxarions. The texts of the three translations are compared between each other and also with the extensive Vita of Saint Mary of Egypt. In both simple prologue and prologue with verses the text about this saint is established on the duration of two opposite parts in her life and it points out the details existing in iconography, although one version of synaxarion with verses introduces an unfamilliar information about her burial.

: Tanatologija Georgija Gemista Plifona; (ruski) Traktovka vizantijcami smerti i togo, čto ožidaet čeloveka za predelami zemnogo suščestvovanija, byla poroju ves'ma daleka ot cerkovnogo učenija, nosila faktičeski a-hristianskij harakter. Odin iz naibolee jarkih primerov etogo javlenija - tanatologija pozdnevizantijskogo filosofa-neoplatonika Georgija Gemista Plifona, ego vzgljady na problemu smerti i samoubijstva, kotoroe rodnit čeloveka s božestvom. Odnako, vsja filosofija Plifona obraščena v buduščee, pronizana optimizmom. Skoree vsego eta ideja šla ne ot Platona, a ot stoikov.

: The 'Byzantinisms' of king Stefan Radoslav; The life-style and politics of Stefan Radoslav bear the mark of activities that indicated his special attachment to the Byzantine world. These activities were prompted by a combination of ideological ambitions and political reality, but they were not in keeping with the modest achievements of Radoslav's reign. Moreover, most of these activities belong to the time when Radoslav was heir to the throne. There is no doubt that Stefan Nemanjić the Grand Zhupan and subsequently the first crowned king, had exclusive connections with the Byzantine dynasty of the Angeloi, especially with the emperor Alexios III (1195-1203). In that context, the donor's inscription in the basic ring of the dome in the Church of the Mother of God in Studenica (1208), in which his father Stefan Nemanja, is mentioned as (former) 'veleslavni gospodin vse srbske zemlje veli(ki) župan i svat cara grčkog kir Alesija', is quite indicative. This ideological construction would acquire a contour in reality by means of a political marriage with one of the female offspring of Angeloi lineage, which would represent an alternative solution to Stefan's failed marriage with Eudocia, daughter of the emperor Alexios. Instead, several years elapsed in waging war with the Latins, the Bulgarians and the State of Epiros. However, efforts to create firmer, more tangible ties with the Angeloi dynasty from Epiros were not forgotten. Therefore, the Serbian monarch brought his eldest son Radoslav into play, intending to have him act as a link with the Angeloi bloodline. As a result of all this, the final attempt to have Radoslav become the husband of a princess from the Angelos dynasty is not surprising. At the end of 1219 or the beginning of 1220, he married Anna Doukaina, the daughter of the epirotic ruler Theodore I Angelos Doukas Komnenos, which at that point represented a marriage connection of the highest possible level between two ruling houses. Stefan's insistence on Serbia acquiring a stake in the Byzantine succession could not have been expressed more clearly. Radoslav now had a solid position in that succession. On his engagement ring we read: '(This is) the engagement ring of Stefan, a descendant of the house of Doukai, and therefore, Anna, of the family of Komnenoi, receive it into your hands'. This brief text should be connected to the most important part of the inscription from the dome in Studenica. The statement of kinship with the Doukai must be interpreted as a statement of kinship with the Angeloi dynasty, that is, with Alexios III Angelos. In the said circumstances, it confirms the identification of the Byzantine emperor depicted in the Mileševa monastery, opposite to the figures of Stefan the First-Crowned and Radoslav, as Alexios III Angelos. Thus Mileševa highlights the ideological significance of the direct linkage of two members of the house of Nemanjić, both the father Stefan and his son Radoslav, to the Angeloi dynasty. The other 'Byzantinisms' of King Radoslav when he became sole ruler understandably rested upon the described foundation. The coins from his time, which, ostensibly, were produced in the Salonika mint of the Epirotic monarchs, were similar to the coins of the house of Angeloi and were marked with the surname Doukas, which also appears in the well known Greek signature on a document from the end of his reign. In historical terms, all of this becomes even more striking because during the subsequent reigns of the other sons of Stefan the First Crowned - Vladislav and Uroš I - they distanced themselves entirely from this policy.

: The Alexios Studites' patriarchate (1025-1043); After the reign of Basil II (976 (985)-1025) when the church of Constantinople was in many ways subjected to the emperor's will, the patriarchate of Alexios Stoudites (1025-1043) marked the beginning of a new period. As his influence strengthened inside the church, Alexios was able to resist many challenges from secular power. His long patriarchate made the patriarch an important and influential factor in Constantinople, which would become evident at the time of his successor.

: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted by Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos; At least three fragments places in Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos‘ narrative of the Avar wars have no parallels either in Theophylakt Simokatta or in Theophanes. The nature of the evidence cited in these passages cannot be a logical reconstruction based on the texts of either of the mentioned authors. This means that Xanthopoulos, the Church historian of the 14th century, had at his disposal a source on the 6th century which has not come down to us.

: The Bulgarian Kingdom in the 13th century; An attempt has been made in the article in order to summarize the foreign policy of Bulgaria during the 13th century. The author's observations are based both on individual sources and on a number of studies (above all on Bulgarian medieval studies). It is stressed that, once the Latins had conquered Constantinople in 1204, the Bulgarian Kingdom emerged on the historical scene as the main support and defender of the Balkan Orthodox world. It played, having been the main ally of Nicaea, an important role in restoring of the Byzantine Empire in 1261. The Tatar Golden Horde was an extremely negative factor for the foreign policy of Bulgaria after 1242-1243. Special attention is devoted to rich Bulgarian-Serbian relations. The animosity between the two states was connected to the expansion of the Serbian Kingdom during the second half of the century in Macedonia, and in the areas of Belgrade, Braničevo and Vidin. A considerable place in the Bulgarian foreign policy was attributed to the relations with the Roman Church and the Catholic states (the Hungarian Kingdom, the Latin Empire in Constantinople, the Kingdom of Naples, etc), as well as with the merchant republics of Ragusa, Venice and Genoa.

: The Byzantine and Hungarian Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries; It has been long known that the name “Syrmia” in the Middle Ages meant not only the area between the rivers Sava and Danube, but also the territory on the right bank of the Sava, today’s Mačva, which was called in the sources “Further Syrmia” (Sirmia Ulterior). In this article we analyze the data concerning the history of Syrmia in the 10th-13th centuries in order to determine when and in what circumstances the name of Syrmia came to denote the right bank of the Sava. Projects of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177029: Srednjovekovne srpske zemlje (13-15. vek): politički, privredni, društveni i pravni procesi and Grant no. 177032: Tradicija, inovacija i identitet u vizantijskom svetu]

Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta

Primary tabs

Pages

Pages

You are here

Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta

Primary tabs

Pages

Pages

User login