Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta
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Publisher: Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
ISSN: 0584-9888
eISSN: 2406-0917
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- Bibliografija radova akademika Gojka Subotića
- Radojčić-Kostić, Bojana; Miljković, Bojan - Bibliografija radova akademika Gojka Subotića - Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta
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- Bibliography of Ljubomir Maksimović
- Cvetković, Miloš; Komatina, Predrag - Bibliography of Ljubomir Maksimović - Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta
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- Bibliography of Sima Ćirković, member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
- Bubalo, Đorđe P. - Bibliography of Sima Ćirković, member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts - Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta
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- Bilingual neume collections of the late middle ages - a new view at the well-known music sources
- The long-term process of the byzantinization of Serbian culture and art, intensified in the framework of complex political relations at the beginning of the 15th century, is testified, among others, by the preserved bilingual Greek-Slavonic musical manuscripts. As the primary sources in the reconstruction of the Serbian church chanting art in the late Middle Ages, but also the Byzantine-Serbian musical connections, the neum manuscripts unambiguously confirm the existence of the bilingual worship practice at the time of Despotovina Serbia. The long-held views on the dated two neum anthologies from the Great Lavra (E 108) and the National Library of Greece (EVE 928), their scribes, composers and songs in this paper are critically examined for the first time. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177004: Identiteti srpske muzike od lokalnih do globalnih okvira: tradicije, promene, izazovi]
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- Bishop Vlaho or Vlahoepiskop
- In three different sources written in Serbian - the inventory of the estates of the monastery of the Holy Virgin in Htetovo as well as in the second and third charter issued by king Dušan to the monastery of Treskavac - there is mention of a church prelate identified as vlahoepiskop. One group of historians interpreted this title as referring to a bishop by the name of Vlaho. On the other hand, historians analysing the clauses of all the charters issued to the monastery of Treskavac noticed that in the first charter issued to that monastery the term Vlach bishop stands in place of the term vlahoepiskop found in the second and third charter. Therefore, although with some vacillation, they interpreted the term vlahoepiskop as a synonym for the bishop of the Vlachs, one of the subordinates of the archbishop of Ohrid. This entirely correct conclusion can further be sustained with new arguments in its favor. Judging by the sources available, the name Vlaho is a hypocorystych of the name Vlasi(je), a transcription of its Greek form, Bλάσιoς. However, although Bλάσιoς is a calendar and thus also a monastic name, its Slavonic diminutive (Vlaho) was never used in the Serbian or any other Slavonic Orthodox church. The name Vlaho is a specific feature of Dubrovnik onomastica (as is the fact that the name of Vlasi(je) is derived from the Greek and not the Latin form of the name, Blasius). In that form it was used solely by the subjects of the Dubrovnik Republic, in the medieval period exclusively as a personal name, while its basic form, Vlasi(je), referred to the saint. In Cyrillic literacy and the anthroponymia of medieval Serbia, only the form Vlasije, never Vlaho, appears as an equivalent of the Greek Bλάσιoς;. Thus, Vlaho could by no means have been used as a monastic name of a high ranking prelate of the Serbian church. As it has already rightfully been pointed out by the Hungarian Byzantologist, Mathias Gyoni, the term vlahoepiskop is a calque (or, I may add, a transcription) of the assumed Greek word βλαχoεπίσκoπoς, denoting a prelate of the bishopric of the Vlachs. This diocese is probably the administrative unit of the church of Ohrid least well documented by the sources. In Greek sources it appears in XI and XII century notitiae and an inscription from the same period. In Serbian sources it appears in the documents mentioned above. Judging by the available information on the organization of the archbishopric of Ohrid, the bishopric of the Vlachs was not responsible for pastoral care of the Vlachs on the entire territory of the archbishopric, it was rather a typical unit of church administration based on the territorial principle. The epithet Vlach in its name indicates the prevalence of this ethnic and social category within its boundaries. In Greek sources this bishopric is referred to as simply the bishopric of the Vlach (Bλάχωv) or, variably, as Bpεαvόγoυ/Bpεαvόγης ήτoι Bλάχωv. The word Bλάσιoς (i.e. Bpεαvόγoυ in most of the older editions and, based on that, in practically the entire bibliography on the subject) was rightfully taken as a determining geographic term, that is as the name of the see of the bishopric. So far, there are several possible ubications of this episcopal see: in Vranje or the villages of Gornji and Donji Vranovci, north of Prilep and, regardless of the name Bpεαvόγoυ (Bpεαvόγoτη), in Prilep or Hlerin. I am more inclined to believe that the twofold name was used to designate the territory under the jurisdiction of a bishop and the ethnic, i.e. social category the density of whose population was the most salient feature of the region. Judging by the name Bpεαvόγoν, the territory under the jurisdiction of the bishop of the Vlachs can be identified with the region of the mountain range consisting of the Baba massive, in present day Macedonia, and the Βαρνονς and Βέρνο mountains in Greece. This is a compact mountainous region, with a high concentration of Vlach population confirmed by the sources. Since, according to the data found in the charters of the monastery of Treskavac, some of the church estates of the bishop of the Vlachs was located in Hlerin, the episcopal see was most probably situated in that city. Before his elevation to the episcopal throne, the Vlach bishop mentioned in the Htetovo inventory held the position of archimandrites of the monastery of the Holy Virgin in Htetovo. As the head of a Serbian monastery, he could rise to the throne of the Vlach bishopric only after the territory and the center of that bishopric became a part of the Serbian state. Based on our present knowledge of the chronology and extent of Dušan's conquests of Byzantine territories, the earliest possible date is spring of the year 1342 or autumn of the same year. It is certain, however, that in the autumn of 1342 the former archimandrites of Htetovo had already risen to the throne of the Vlach bishopric. That, at the same time, is the last document of its existence.
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- Bosnia in the work of Kritoboulos of Imbros
- Most of the data Kritoboulos of Imbros, a Byzantine historian of the fifteenth century, gives about Bosnia, pertain to the last years of existence of the medieval Bosnian state. Apart from two short side notes on other issues, the bulk of evidence on Bosnia in Kritoboulos' work bears on the events of the year 1463, describing the occupation of Bosnia by Mehmed II the Conqueror and the counteroffensive launched by the Hungarian King Matthias Corvinus, as well as the final return of the Ottoman Sultan in 1464. Kritoboulos was obviously well informed about the events, so that his report even though it does not offer spectacular new insights, certainly represents a valuable supplement to other sources. The space Kritoboulos devotes to the fall of Bosnia, taken together with the data from other Byzantine sources such as Laonikos Chalkokondyles' History, Byzantine Short Chronicles and Chronicle of the Turkish Sultans, unequivocally shows that this was one of the most important events in the second half of the fifteenth century. Viewed as a hole, the body of evidence on Bosnia from Byzantine sources, covering the time span of the tenth to the fifteenth centuries, bears witness to how the Byzantine perspective on Bosnia changed over centuries. Originally, e.g. in Constantine Porphyrogennetos' De administrando imperio (tenth century) Bosnia was simply considered a part of Serbia. Later, although still treated as a part of Serbia, it assumes a somewhat different position, as witnessed by John Kinnamos in twelfth century, who notes that "the river Drina which takes its origin somewhat higher up and divides Bosnia from the rest of Serbia", but also that "Bosnia itself is not subjected to the Serbs' grand župan, but is a tribe which lives and ruled separately". Finally, in the 15th century, Bosnia is an independent state like, for instance, Serbia or Hungary. .
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- Briga o rukopisima - dve malo poznate vesti o srpskoj kulturi u XIV veku
- (nemački) Der Beitrag umfaßt zwei ganz unterschiedliche Beispiele der Fürsorge um Erwerb und Erhalt von Handschriften. Bald nach 1360 gründete Despot Thomas Preljubović in Vodena (Edessa) in Nordgriechenland ein Kloster der Theotokos Gabaliotissa, das er neben anderen Schätzen mit 37 liturgischen Büchern ausstattete. Bemerkenswert ist dabei die Tatsache, daß sich diese Schenkung zu verschiedenen Zeitpunkten vollzog und sich wohl der wachsenden Anzahl der Mönche anpaßte. Aus einer zweiten, sprachlich nicht immer klaren Notiz geht hervor, wie durch das tatkräftige Eingreifen eines Albaners und eines griechischen Hieromonachos ein wertvoller Bestand von 27 Büchern, darunter der heute noch erhaltene codex argenteus von Berat vor einem serbischen Angriff (1357) in Sicherheit gebracht wurde. .
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- Bulgaria and Serbia in the historical works of George Akropolites and George Pachymeres
- The paper analyzes the well-known historical works of George Akropolites and George Pachymeres from the viewpoint of their literary composition structure, lexica and narrative techniques used for describing events and personalities from Bulgaria and Serbia. An attempt is made to surpass the 'traditional' methodology and the usually applied standard approach that focuses almost exclusively to the search for the 'strong' historical facts in these literary works par excellence, in that way overlooking their strong literary character, careful expressions, sometimes evident and sometimes more subtle style differences whose purpose was to underline the focal points and the conclusions of the content of the stories - in short, the information and the stories about Bulgaria and Serbia by Akropolites and Pachymeres are analyzed in their entirety, viewed as the integral parts of the complex literary works, and not as isolated episodes, divided from the rest of the narrative. The ways in which George Akropolites depicted and described deaths of the Bulgarian rulers were studied as one of the best examples of his conscious endeavors to bring the literary style of his History in accord with his own judgments about the rulers of the neighboring country. Scenes of death, conspicuously frequent in Akropolites' relatively short historical work, play an important role in characterizing personalities, and the same principle which Akropolites uses for judging the Byzantines is applied to the Bulgarians as well: generally positive opinion about somebody's life and achievements is emphasized with a depiction of his death in a positive way (Ivan II Asen), and vice versa, Akropolites' 'villains' receive their horrible deaths as a deserved punishment for their bad deeds (Kalojan's death). On the other hand, Akropolites' scarce information about Serbs is supplemented with his depiction of the Serbian king Uroš (1243-1276), and his stance after the death of John Batatzes from the funerary oration to the same emperor, which has been completely overlooked by the scholars until now. Akropolites confirms that the Empire of Nicaea and king Uroš's Serbia were strongly connected, and that only after the death of the 'mighty' John Batatzes Serbian king allied himself with the ruler of Epiros, despotes Michael II Angelos. More complex in structure, language, narrative techniques and expressions than Akropolites' is without doubt the voluminous History by George Pachymeres. In the context of Pachymeres' depiction of the Bulgarians and Serbs, the chapters that describe Byzantine marital diplomacy regarding Bulgaria and Serbia are studied in details, with the emphasis placed equally on the literary analysis of the corresponding chapters, and on the concordance between the content and style, author's attitudes and expressions used, Pachymeres' intention and the form he had chosen, which all contribute in the end to the better understanding of the historical circumstances, as well. The following chapters of Pachymeres' History, forming the comprehensive narrative segments, were examined in detail: - the description of the marriage of the Bulgarian tsar Constantine Tich with the niece of the emperor Michael VIII (Pachymérès II/ V, 3: 441-445); - the unsuccessful attempt of alliance by marriage between the Serbian prince Milutin and the second daughter of the emperor Michael VIII (Pachymérès II/ V, 6: 453-457); - negotiations for the marriage between now king Milutin and Simonis, young daughter of the emperor Andronikos II, with all the circumstances that followed the complex negotiating process (Pachymérès III/ IX, 30: 299-303 Pachymérès III/ IX, 31: 303-305; Pachymérès IV/ X, 1: 307-309; Pachymérès IV X, 2: 309-313; Pachymérès IV/ X, 3: 313; Pachymérès IV/ X, 4: 313-315 Pachymérès IV/ X, 5: 315; Pachymérès IV/ X, 8: 319-321; Pachymérès IV/ X, 9 321-327).
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- Byzantine Eden
- The article deals with Byzantine descriptions of Eden juxtaposed to celestial Paradise.
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- Byzantine and post-byzantine sources on medieval Bosnia, its area and position
- This article discusses the historical and geographical characteristics of medieval Bosnia, its area and position presented in the perception of Byzantine and post-Byzantine sources. It is characteristic that all these sources, regardless of whether they originated in the 10th, 12th, or 15th century or in the centuries after the collapse of the Byzantine Empire offered testimony of the territory of Bosnia. The presentations are sometimes a bit distorted and unrealistic, and their names are based on ancient standards. Data provided by the source material speaking of the appearance of Bosnia and medieval towns in its territory, were named differently in Byzantine sources.
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- Byzantine seals from the Ras fortress
- In this paper, seals found at the location of the Ras fortress (Tvrđava Ras) have been published. Inscriptions on these seals show that they used to belong to persons which could be identified with certain military commanders who served under Alexios I Komnenos. The seals in question are: the seals of protonobelissimos Eustathios Kamytzes, Constantine Dalassenos Doukas, protoproedros and doux Constantine Kekaumenos and a certain person called Alexios. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177021 i br. 177032]
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- Byzantinistik, Historische Geographie und Ethnographie in dem konigreich Jugoslavien an dem beispiel des professors Milenko S. Filipović und der Philosophischen Fakultat in Skoplje (1925–1940)
- This article is based on unpublished archival material of the State Archives of the Republic of Macedonia in Skoplje from the years 1925 to 1940, which were analysed in terms of two aspects. On the one hand, it can be seen how the Faculty of Arts in Skoplje itself and its wide range of academic fields were established in the new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. These included, amongst others, Byzantine Studies, Historical Geography and Ethnography. On the other hand, this article deals with an outstanding researcher of that time in the person of Milenko S. Filipović (1902-1969). He was a lecturer and later a professor of Ethnology and Ethnography, who regularly incorporated all three aforesaid academic fields into his publications. His personal as well as the institutional development of these academic fields were abruptly interrupted by the Second World War (1941), but were revived with new vigour in Belgrade after 1945.