Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta
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Publisher: Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
ISSN: 0584-9888
eISSN: 2406-0917
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- Byzantium, Byzantine Italy and cities on the eastern coast of the Adriatic
- This text considers the echoes of the various ties of Byzantium with Kotor and Dubrovnik in the early Middle Ages. Results of studies of the urban nuclei of these cities, the architecture of their churches in the period in question and the cults of especially venerated saints in both cities, indicate that at the beginning of the IX century both Kotor and Dubrovnik were flooded with a great influx of immigrants from the eastern provinces of the Empire.
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- Calendars of the Serbian early 15™ century manuscripts
- Within the corpus of Byzantine manuscripts, a prominent place is occupied by synaxaria, collections of texts in which hagiographic material is arranged according to the calendar order. The differences among such collections are to be noted in the structure, composition and size of the texts included. The existence of text collections in which early hagiographies are compiled and partly codified can be traced back into the 6th to 7th centuries. The principle center of agglomeration and codification of this type of materials used to be Constantinople. The older type synaxaria, known as prolog in Slavonic tradition, authored by Constantin from Mokissa, have been preserved in relatively large numbers of Southern Slavic transcripts. The prologs of the newer type, the so called "verse prologs" (regularly preceded by a few short verses), might have been translated, according to the opinion of D. Bogdanović, as early as the end of the 13th century, and in the Serbian environment. This opinion is corroborated by the fact that the oldest hitherto preserved prologs of this type, dating from the 14th century, were written in the Serbian redaction of Old Church Slavonic. Bogdanović's studies of prologs is based on manuscripts from the monastery of Decani. A relative abundance of verse prologs is treasured in the library of the monastery of Chilandar. Introduction of the new type of prolog has undoubtedly been caused by the introduction of the Jerusalem typicon into the liturgical practice of the Serbian church. Occasionally, hagiographic texts used to be inserted into menaion acolouthia after the sixth ode of the canon. Presently the oldest Serbian menaion containing hagiographies of the new type is the MS nr. 11 from the Archives of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, written sometime around 1400 A.D. Thus menaia also include multiply augmented hagiographic materials. The comparative analysis of prologs and menaia for the months of July (MS Decani 53, Pec 42, Chilandar 426) and August (Decani 43, Pec 42, Decani 53) has shown that texts from verse prologs used to be incorporated into menaia practically unaltered .
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- Can human beings know the hour of their own death or of the death of others?
- Between the seventh and the ninth century holy men acquired a new role. They no longer just exorcised demons and healed diseases but also foretold people when they would die. This development was caused by a shift in religious belief. Under the influence of relentless preaching, people had come to think that salvation or damnation was determined by the state in which one found oneself at the moment of death. What was feared was a sudden death, which would not leave time for the necessary preparation through repentance and almsgiving. Contemporary holy men responded to this fear by offering their services as prophets. These activities incurred the criticism of coenobitic monks who were opposed to them for moral and metaphysical reasons.
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- Castration as a consequence of the strengthening of the dynastic principle
- The paper discusses examples of corporal mutilation that accompanied intra-dynastic conflicts or clashes with real or potential pretenders to the imperial throne. Castration was a known but rarely applied measure in the political conflicts of the 7th and 8th century. Hence the two consecutive cases of castration of all sons of the deposed emperor Michael I Rhangabe (813) and the assassinated emperor Leo V the Armenian (820) deviated from the previous Byzantine practice. The paper establishes that in these cases the choice of castration as the most effective means of ensuring the future political disqualification of the princes and their families was a result of the strengthening dynastic principle, which was particularly noticeable in the cases of the descendents of Constantine V from his third marriage. It also highlights that castration was never used on the deposed emperor autokrator, but only on the bearers of imperial dignities (co-emperors) or simply princes with no imperial title. In examples where castration was used to ensure political disqualification, it was not a sanction for an individual wrongdoing (in other words, castration was not a penalty prescribed for a specific transgression); if these cases were a matter of punishment at all, the penalty was meant to sanction the entire bloodline (γένος) rather than the (innocent) individual. Castration was a milder form of punishment compared to other forms of physical mutilation (severing of the nose, tongue or ears; blinding). Due to the ambivalent attitude of the Byzantine society towards eunuchs, castration did not necessarily lead to social marginalization. Hence, it was applied more frequently during the reign of the Macedonian dynasty, but prominent castrates were incorporated into the official hierarchy as members of an order of eunuchs (τάξεις τω~ν εủνούχων). [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177032: Tradition, Innovation and Identity in the Byzantine World]
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- Charisma and authority
- The paper analyses hagiographical strategies used by the writers of St. Sava’s vitae, the purpose of which was to delineate clearly the principal features of the saint’s portrait. Their main concern was to confirm Sava’s personal charisma and to convey a sense of his saintly authority. The focus of the paper is on the hagiographical techniques of imitation such as comparing the hero to biblical models and telling stories of his miracles that repeat the miracles of Christ himself and the most important saints. The paper devotes particular attention to those sections of the vitae that describe Sava’s wielding institutional authority, and it is precisely here that there are notable similarities between Teodosije’s vita and his hagiographical model, the vita of St. Sava of Jerusalem by Cyril of Skythopolis. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177003: Srednjovekovno nasleđe Balkana - institucije i kultura]
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- Chartes portant sur les adelphata contribution à la diplomatique Byzantino-Serbe
- The study of the formulas of the Byznatine adelphortorika acts enables us to conclude that the Serbian charters (1317/1318, ca 1321 and 1332) concerning the establishment of the adeplphata, are authentic copies. Those documents, created in Chilandar, each consist of two individual acts - request of the future adelphatarios and the decision by the Assembly of Brotherhood, which were most likely created at the request of hegoumenos Gervasios. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177032: Tradicija, inovacija i identitet u vizantijskom svetu]
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- Church foundations by entire villages 13th-16th c.
- In his book Ohridska slikarska škola XV veka, Beograd 1980, Gojko Subotić published three dedicatory church inscriptions, which refer to instances of the collective patronage of entire villages. Some remarks on the content of these inscriptions will be provided as will parallel examples from the late Byzantine period and the first centuries of the Ottoman occupation.
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- Classical elements in the Serbian painting of the fourteenth century
- In the early 14th century influences of a new style emanating from Constantinople contained reminiscences of classical ideas and forms (contents of compositions, the painted landscape, the human figures, genre scenes based on everyday life, classical figures, personifications and allegorical figures). Towards the end of the century classical influences in painting began to wane.
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- Classical elements in the endowments of Serbian XIII century donors
- In Byzantine painting, starting from the XIII and particularly during the XIV century, there was a visible return to models from the period of Antiquity. The influences of ancient, ostensibly, Hellenistic heritage were reflected in the shapes, in the content of the compositions, as well as in the drawing, modellation and colours. In the art that came into being in the course of the XIII century, in the endowments of the Serbian donors numerous elements emerged that had existed in ancient art. In the frescoes in the Church of the Mother of God in Studenica, the endowment of Stefan Nemanja and his sons, we see personifications, symbols, the introduction of details, and space acquiring depth, features that were later to come to full expression, especially from the middle of the XIII century. The few preserved frescoes dating from the XIII century in the Church of the Resurrection in the Žiča monastery, the endowment of Stefan the First Crowned, his son Radoslav and his brother Sava, are an iconographic continuation of the trends in the art one encounters in Studenica. The frescoes in the Church of Christ's Ascension in Mileševa, the endowment of King Vladislav, with their subtly fashioned figures and carefully modelled faces, as well as refined colouring, signal a return to the Hellenistic models. The painting in the Church of Dormition of the Virgin in the Morača monastery, the endowment of Prince Stefan, nephew of king Stefan, with its well-proportioned, firmly modelled figures, landscapes and architecture deepening the space, reminds one of the Sopoćani frescoes. In the fresco painting of the Holy Apostles in Peć, the endowment of Archbishop Sava which owed its outcome to the efforts of Archbishop Arsenije I, the images are very vivid, and the painted architecture is depicted in an abbreviated form, using different kinds of perspective. The painting in the Church of the Holy Trinity in Sopoćani, the endowment of king Uroš I, represents an ensemble of new artistic trends that appeared during the first half of the XIII century. Its spacious and monumental compositions present solutions that give the figures a quality of flexibility and breadth to their movements, while their faces resemble those of Antiquity. The space is indicated by architecture painted in an abbreviated manner, the iconostasis and icons are framed in an ornament of stucco bearing antique motifs, some scenes contain personifications, while the rich and harmonious colours and gold in the background emphasise the Hellenistic spirit. The frescoes in the Church of the Annunciation in the Gradac monastery, the endowment of Queen Jelena followed the trends in painting from Sopoćani. The figures in the narthex of the Church of St. George in Đurđevi Stupovi and in the parekklesion of the entrance tower, the endowment of King Dragutin, were painted in a rather similar fashion. The decoration of St. Ahilije in Arilje, the endowment of King Dragutin, consists of monumental figures of ancient beauty, richly painted architecture in the background, and greater depth painted in different forms of perspective and scenes containing details from everyday life. During the XIII century, the proportions of the compositions became larger, the number of participants in them increased, various episodes were added to the existing scenes, and the space was defined by a larger number of plans and buildings of ancient forms. At the same time, the painted architecture was presented in the perspective of different projections, deepening the space when necessary and highlighting the subject matter. The landscape is presented in the background, keeping to the rhythm of the scene or partitioning the episodes within the composition, while depicting vegetation and animals that resemble the mosaic flooring of ancient times. Special attention was paid to appearance and workmanship, to the modeling of the faces and human figures that acquired the proportions and harmony of Antiquity. Characters with lively movements were more numerous and were located more freely in the space. Compositions were more numerous, enriched with details from everyday life, while into the established scenes as regards Christian iconography were included personifications, symbolic and allegorical figures. The influences of Antiquity were also reflected in the precise drawing, plastic modeling and rich, refined colours. During the XIII century, the revival of models from Antiquity evolved gradually in the painting of the endowments belonging to the Serbian ktetors, most of whom were members of the Nemanjić ruling house. First of all, single elements appeared that were related to the proportions of the compositions and the images, personifications, symbolic presentations, the temperate voluminousity of the figures, refined colours all of which heralded further trends in painting. In addition, the painted architecture, of Hellenistic forms, gained an increasing role in the definition of space. The painting in Sopoćani, with its monumental dimensions, its harmony of ancient proportions, precise drawing and modeling, wealth of colours and splendour of gold, reached an outstanding level in the Byzantine painting of that epoch. The decoration of the monuments that were built later, up to the end of the XIII century, mirrored the achievements of the Sopoćani painting and continued to develop by including elements from the Antiquity. Thus, at the beginning of the XIV century, the emulation of models from the Antiquity came to full expression in the monumental endowments of King Milutin.
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- Co-regency
- In the agreement which followed the first war between Constantine and Licinius and Constantine’s victory on the Campus Ardiensis, Licinius was forced, as generally accepted, to surrender Illyricum where he was undisputed ruler until 316. However he was not neutralized politically and reigned together with Constantine between AD 316 and 324. Some kind of division of the sphere of interest seems to have existed between them. Constantine, whose movements in the Balkans are known from the places of editing laws, visited only the western half, i.e. Illyricum after 316. If we follow the evidence of the places and dates of the promulgation of Constantine’s laws, we can consider the line dividing the region controlled by Constantine and that under Licinius’ command, running from the North to the South and leaving Constantine the Pannonian provinces, Moesia I, Dacia Ripensis, Dacia Mediterranea and Dardania, as well as Macedonia, with the legionary camps on the Danube in Pannonia and Moesia I; the provinces on the East of that line, Moesia II, Scythia Minor and Thracia belonged to the region in which Licinius had command. However, there is evidence indicating that the territorial division of the Balkans between Constantine and Licinius after the battle of Cibalae was not strictly observed except on the Danube, in the zone where the military camps were located. In spite of Constantine’s presence in Illyricum, Licinius’s influence on the high commanders on the Danube never disappeared nor did his presence in the provinces he lost after the Bellum Cibalense. Licinius had the jubilee silver plates made for his decennalia in Naissus in Dacia Mediterranea. The siver plates which have been produced in Naissus, in the part of the Balkans which was under Constantine’s control, bear the inscription LICINI AVGVSTE SEMPER VINCAS. The co-operation between Constantine and Licinius concerned the defense of the frontiers and the administration in both parts of the Empire, but it was not based on the subordination of one to another as it was in the time of Diocletian who created the system tetrarchy.
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- Comments on the bilateral icon from Mytilini
- The representations on the well-known bilateral icon from Mytilini, Christ Pantokrator on the front and St John the Theologian on the back, were detached in 1960. from the damaged wood and are now two separate icons. The icon of Christ has been dated to the middle or third quarter of the 14th century or to 1370-1380, and that of the Theologian to the late 14th-early 15th century or the second quarter of the 15th century. The conclusion is reached that the two representations are contemporary, date from the third quarter of the 14th century, and are the work of the same painter. This view is based on shared technical and stylistic features and the interconnection of meaning between the figures depicted, which accounts for the difference of character in the way in which the two figures - the divine figure of Christ and the earthly figure of the saint - are rendered.
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- Comparing Byzantine and Arabic poetry
- Older generations of modern critics pronounced negative assessments of both Byzantine and Arabic poetry for lacking originality and creativity. Further, medieval readers of Greek and Arabic presumably could not properly understand the content of this poetry because they were too focused on its vocabulary, grammatical points, and rhetorical tropes. On occasion, modern critics have suggested that medieval Arabic culture possessed no literary criticism and that Byzantine culture in effect possessed no belles lettres. Recent positive re-evaluations in both disciplines either propose to take medieval Greek and Arabic poetic and literary texts in their own terms or analyse them in order to show that they possess characteristics valued by modernity. Arabic poetry has been much more widely studied than its Byzantine counterpart because both medieval and modern Arabic literary critics were interested in it as a repository of Arab cultural heritage. Modern judgements regarding the relation between the poetry of the pre-Christian and the pre-Islamic periods and the poetry produced within the time of monotheistic belief were frequently influenced by modern political realities, and especially calls for increased secularization pronounced both in Europe and the Ottoman empire. Detecting analogies in how medieval Greek and Arabic literary cultures have been assessed by modernity can help identify modern prejudices that obstruct more productive approaches to the medieval literary material. The paper also examines the process whereby older pagan classics were preserved and made to serve the needs in two medieval monotheistic societies, the Byzantine and the Arabic one.