Istorijski časopis
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Историјски часопис, званично гласило Историјског института, излази од 1948. године. Објављује оригиналне научне радове на српском и другим језицима. Примењује систем „слепих“ рецензија два рецензента. Тематски оквир часописа обухвата економску, друштвену, политичку и културну историју српског народа, као и његове везе са јужнословенским и осталим балканским народима, и истовремено унапређује све гране историјске науке. Хронолошки оквир је омеђен на период од средњег века до почетка 20. века, односно до 1918. године и стварања Краљевине СХС.
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ISSN: 0350-0802
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- Епископ призренски Георгије (о “презименима” средњовековних архијереја)
- Georgije, the bishop of Prizren, is known in historiography by the name of Georgije Markuš. This misconception is the result of his incorrectly read name in the list of estates of the monastery of Virgin Mary at Htetovo, which is the only record of this medieval bishop. Both the orthographical formulations and the information given in the parts of the document which concern bishop Georgije indicate that bishop Georgije and Markuš are two persons, and not the first name and attribute of the bishop of Prizren. The only medieval bishops' names with an attribute, patronymic or adjective are the names of Stefan Pekpal, the bishop of Hum, and Jovan Zograf, the metropolitan of Prilep. The only reference to Venedict, the metropolitan of Gračanica, who is often mentioned in literature with the patronymic of Crepović as a result of his identification with the monk Venedict Crepović, the son of prince Lazar Hrebeljanović's distinguished lord Crep, is made in the Charter of Despots Djurdje and Lazar Branković (Sept. 6th 1455) but only under his monastic name. Atanasije, the metropolitan of Smederevo is mentioned in the sources exclusivelly under his monastic name, with the exception of the Annals of Sečenica, an unofficial record of a later date, where his name is followed by the attribute of Framak. His last name of Frašak, under which he is referred to by some scholars, has no substantiation in the sources.
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- Задаци Руске спољне политике на балкану у другој половини xix вијека и међународно правни значај одлука у Сан Стефануи Берлину за Србију и Црну Гору
- The author has divided his article into two parts. The first part has been dedicated to the aims of the Russian foreign policy in the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century, where he described the new phase in development of the Russian foreign policy led by A.M. Gortchakoff. At that moment, Russia needed to find powerful political ally among the Western-European states and the central issue of its policy was to reestablish the central position in the Balkan region. The second part of the article has been dedicated to the international and legal importance of decisions taken at the congresses in Saint Stephen and Berlin for Serbia and Montenegro. Decisions of international recognition of independence of Serbia and Montenegro determined not only their international position, but also influenced its internal development. The Great Eastern Crisis revealed the fact that Russia turned itself toward Bulgaria, as its main political support in the Balkans. Aiming to create the Greater Bulgaria, Macedonia included, Russia estranged itself from its war ally Serbia, leaving it to the political influence of the Austria-Hungary. Conflict of the Serbian and Bulgarian national and political concept regarding Macedonia, turning of Serbia toward Vienna, with firm ties of Montenegro to Russia, caused the fact that the political life in the Balkans remained burdened with many problems and difficulties, even after the end of the Great Eastern Crisis.
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- Зајам и залога у Јустинијановом закону као делу кодекса цара Стефана Душана
- Lending was a frequent legal act in the regions with a developed commercial and monetary economy in the Middle Ages. The taking of interest, the usual concomitant of loans, was looked upon disapprovingly already in the classical times. Persons who took interest were deprecated in later times, too, both in the countries of Catholic Europe and in Eastern Christendom, but in practice, interest was generally charged on loans. The pressure for liquid assets and credit, as well as the interests of the more advanced regions, demanded that the management of economic affairs should be based on the economic logic, and, consequently, usury was quite widespread in various covert forms. The legal framework within which various lucrative legal business activities were carried out in mediaeval Serbia was similar to that in the neighbouring countries. Money circulated in the usual way, through investment and credit operations. Loans were extended on the basis of contracts, and it was not possible to prohibit completely the charging of interest as a form of profit, although the practice was considered unbecoming a Christian. The questions of loans and taking of pledges were not regulated by detailed legal norms systematized in one place: provisions regarding them were scattered in various legal sources. One of them was Justinian's Law, the second part of the tripartite Code of Emperor Dušan in the manuscripts of the earlier redaction (15th-16th c.), and the first part of the bipartite Code in the manuscripts of the later redaction (16th-19th c.). The Serbian legal provisions called Justinian's Law were compiled mainly from various Byzantine legal documents. They regulated social relations in several legal spheres, so that they comprised civil and criminal law, as well as the judiciary procedure. Each of these spheres was covered by one or a few provisions only, which was far from adequate for practical application. They had a specific purpose, however, for they supplemented, rendered more precise or modified other provisions not included in the same text. In the manuscripts (8) of the earlier redaction the taking of pledges is regulated by Articles 26 and 27; the former prescribes the period of time within which it is possible to redeem the pledge, and the latter defines the responsibility of the creditor for the safekeeping of the pledge. Some earlier scholars argued that these articles were of Serbian origin. However, the present author suggests that the sources of these articles may have been Chapters 1 and 2, Section X of the Ecloga (726) of Emperor Leo III of Byzantium (707- 741). The small number of articles which regulate loans and pledges in Justinian's Law and in Dušan's Code can be explained by the fact there existed detailed provisions concerning these matters in the Byzantine legal texts which had been translated and adopted in Serbia. The Procheiron (the code of the Byzantin Emperor Basil II, 976-1025), which had been known in Serbia as a part of the Nomokanon of St Sava for 130 years, devotes as many as fourteen detailed chapters of its 16th section to loans and pledges. The Abbreviated Syntagma (a revised version of the code of Matija Vlastar from 1335), which was incorporated into Emperor Stefan Dušan's legislation, retained a large unabridged portion of Chapter 2, Section D of the Full Syntagma, which regulates loans and pledges. It may be concluded that Articles 26 and 27 were composed by the Serbian redactors of this compilation, and that they used the corresponding provisions and formulations of the text of the Ecloga as their model. These articles had a supplementary function, and they had to be fitted into the already existing regulation of the Procheiron and Matija Vlastar's Syntagma. The manuscripts of the later redaction (12) of Justinian's Law retain, with some additions and modifications, the texts of both articles.
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- Звук и грађење
- This work presents the two examples of ceramic vessels, in function of acoustic resonators, discovered during archaeological excavation in 1997 in the church of the Epiphany of the Davidovica monastery (XIII century), immediately preceding church reconstruction. These two examples of ceramic acoustic resonators represent a rare specimen, subject to accurate dating. Terminus post quem non regarding dating is 1282, i.e. the time when the church could possilby be finished, at the earliest, according to one of the rare preserved medieval construction contracts (signed on 30th August 1281). The cited examples of acoustic resonators raise the question of correctness of scientifically employed terminology, used to designate this type of ceramic vessels. The term pot was most commonly used to designate the pottery type, accentuated by epithets earthen or special, although these vessels do not, in a strict sense, fall in that category, but can rather be classified in jugs, amphoras, or pottery intended for a specific purpose. This also raises the question of the authentic reasons that induced building practice of this kind of ceramic vessels in the structure of our medieval sacral objects, i.e. of their genuine efficiency in the light of improving the acoustic features of these buildings. Recent lab experiments on acoustic features of these ceramic acoustic resonators have shown that they, in fact, have not greatly contributed to the acoustic quality of the buildings they had been built in. Their building-in, present for a long time in Serbia (XI-XIX centuries), has thus probably represented a segment of the orally conveyed building tradition, based on the practice that was probably not grounded in knowledge of their genuine acoustic effects. Consequently, more than anything else, this practice might depict the history of mentality, that had its roots in faith, being a foundation of particular pattern of thinking, building performance, hopes and expectations.
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- Земун и земунска нахија у XVI веку
- Istorija Zemuna i njegove okoline, u vremenu od pada pod osmansku vlast 1521. godine do kraja XVI veka, odnosno do Deugog rata (1593-1606), do sada nije bila predmet iscrpnijeg istrživanja. Izuzetak čini tursko osvajanje grada koje je, u okviru proučavanja istorije Beograda, dobro obrađeno u domaćoj literaturi.1 Jedan kraći rad o Zemunu u XVI i XVII veku verskim i trgovačkim objektima i broju, konfesionalnom sastavu i zanimawu stanovnika, objavila je Olga Zirojević. Njen članak, urađn na osnovu osmanskih katastarskih popisa i savremenih putopisa, kao i odgovarajuće literature, poslužio nam je kao polazna tačka za dalja istraživanja zemunske nahije. Temelj za bavljenje pomenutom temom postavio je Hazim [abanovi}, koji je objavio prve, najstarije popise Zemuna i okolnih sela, iz 1546. i 1566/7. godine.7 Brus Mekgouan je nešto kasnije objavio celokupan popis Sremskog sanxaka iz 1566/7. godine, odnosno popis Zemuna i zemunske nahije.8 Ostali sačuvani popisi ove oblasti, koja je posle 1521. godine došla pod upravu smederevskog sanxakbega9 , a od 1541-1543. godine se nalazila u sastavu novoosnovanog Sremskog sanxaka10, za sada još uvek nisu objavljeni. Potiču iz 1578/911, perioda posle 1588.12 i 1614. godine.
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- Земунско становништво према попису из 1776. године
- Tumultuous political and legal circumstances, ending with the acquisition of the 1753 status of favorable autonomy as a military community, as well as excellent natural and geostrategic location, enabled Zemun an intensive demographic and economic development during the period of peace, between 1739 and 1788. According to the 1776 census, in the city of 958 households — 799 homeowners and 159 renting — there were 3918 people. Favorable circumstances stimulated young, mobile and poor population to largely settle in Zemun. Heads of households aged between 20 and 40 made up 36.86 per cent of all the heads of households, and because of their youth, families had less numerous offspring, participating with 34.1 per cent in the total male population. Overall, approximately 80 per cent of male population of Zemun was under 40. As demonstrated by the fragment about the origin of Zemun citizens based on surname, most came from some of the nearby settlements of Srem, Serbia, and Banat, mostly from the immediate vicinity of Belgrade. The great circulation of the nearby population is confirmed by the fact that the majority of population (83 per cent) were Orthodox Serbs. Some professions were in the hands of certain religious or ethnic communities. Most of the merchants were Orthodox — Serbs and Tzintzars (64), except three Jews, as well as inn owners who were mostly Orthodox (22), with the exception of two Catholics. Transporters (8) and shedders (8) were Catholic, but non-German, while there were equal numbers of Catholics and Jews among the boilermakers (2 each). All the farmers, without exception, were Serbs (84), and the most numerous artisans (194) and wage workers (267) were of mixed ethnicity.Family structure could be partially reconstructed based on the data on the size of the household (4.08 members), proportion of the young (around 42.6 per cent under 20), number of joined members (19 sons-in-law, 16 adopted ones, 31 stepsons, 7 protégés, 11 servants, and 129 learners), gender structure (47.16 percent female and 52.83 per cent males), number of widows (115), single men (34), and childless couples (130). With all this, the difference in the structure of the owners' and renters' households was also obvious in the average numbers of their members — 4.3 versus 2.3. Counting numerous joined members and renters' households (159) within the same houses, Zemun houses were insufficiently comfortable (1 to 2 rooms, a kitchen, area for cattle, one in three had cellar, and one in four had a shop).
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- ИСТОРИЈСКA ПЕРЦЕПЦИЈA СУЛТАНА БАЈАЗИТА I У ДЕЛУ КОНСТАНТИНА ФИЛОЗОФА
- Exploring the image of the “other” and recognizing various narrative layers in historical sources is one of the most important methodological approaches in the multifaceted reconstruction of the past. The perception and presentation of historical persons, events or phenomena belonging to the category of the “other” are often shaped by stereotypes and notions immanent to certain cultural settings. The hagiography of despot Stefan Lazarević written by Constantine the Philosopher in the fourth decade of the 15th century as a unique narrative source for the life and reign of the Serbian ruler epitomizes the trustworthy exemplar for the research into the above phenomena. Among many historical persons that Constantine the Philosopher portrayed, the image of sultan Bayezid I is probably one of the most vivid and controversial. The representations of Bayezid I could be comprehended as the literary vehicle for the contextualization and reflection on political, military, diplomatic and dynastic relations amid the Lazarević Principality and Ottoman Empire that defined the historical epoch between the Battle of Kosovo (1389) and the Battle of Ankara (1402). Contrary to the typical image of the “Turks”, usually perceived as conquerors, perpetrators, infidels and villains, Constantine the Philosopher depicted the character of sultan Bayezid I in various, occasionally ontrasted shades. By portraying Bayezid I, Constantine the Philosopher tried to act more as a historian than hagiographer. He presented the Ottoman sultan, the suzerain of Stefan Lazarević, in quite a balanced manner, showing both positive and negative aspects of his personality and political decisions. Sultan Bayezid I is described as a supreme sovereign with human face, feelings, conscience, but also attributes that show his dark, resolute, unrestricted and ruthless side of character. The reasons for stepping out of, at that time usual, stereotypical description of the “other” could be found in the nature and complexity of political and personal relations between Stefan Lazarević and sultan Bayezid I. Taking into consideration the accounts Constantine the Philosopher embedded into his literary work, it is obvious that Serbian-Ottoman relations established development of the Lazаrević Principality in the forthcoming years.
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- Из старог Дубровника
- The argument of the present paper starts from the Despot Đurađ Branković's 1433 request to the Dubrovnik deputies: de voler cognoscer quali sono Ragusey e quali non, et sofrir non puo che alcuni Bossignani e Rasiani siano per Ragusey tratadi, and from the assessment of a Dubrovnik noble, made in the court in 1443, that: che se ben risguardiamo le due parte de populani de Ragusa non sono citadini nativi ne creati per consegli. E pur in tuti li atti e fatti de la cita, e testimonianze e altro se anno et se reputano per citadini Ragusei. Then it relies on the research on acquiring citizenship in Dubrovnik (J. Kalić, 1961) and analyses of decisions on consulates, legal departments for dealing with feuds among the Dubrovnik citizens, in the squares of Serbia and Bosnia (M. Dinić, D. Kovačević-Kojić), attempting to explain a big difference between the citizens received (cives creati), and citizens that were part of the autonomous Dubrovnik legal system. The thesis that among the ones chi per Ragusei se аppellant there was a considerable number of local population from mining and trading places and their vicinity is supported.
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- Извештаји британских дипломата о упаду Aлбанаца у Србију 1878-1897. године
- After Berlin Congress British diplomats in Serbia mainly made reports about Albanian question, and especially recorded numerous incursions of the armed Albanian troops on the Serbian territory which culminated 1879, 1880, 1887, and finally 1897. All British diplomats in particular general consul Gerald Gould precisely noticed all Albanian excesses on the common boundary during that period. However they mainly sympathised them because they believed that Serbian government was guilty for those incursions due to roughly opposing of home-coming of Albanian refugees whose were forced to leave their homes after Berlin congress and delimitation of the Serbian and Turkish boundary. At the same time they supported standpoints of the Turkish government who had ambivalent position about Albanian invasions of the Serbian frontiers and territories. On the one side she condemned all those Albanian actions and was ready to send regular troops to stop them, but on the other side encourage them to follow up raids, armed the Albanians and supplied them by food and money. Merely in 1879, British diplomats recorded 85 raids of the Albanian troops. On that period 39 people were killed.
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- Између национализма и интернационализма
- The paper analyses the participation of female representatives of the Serbian National Women’s Union at congresses of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and the International Alliance of Women in the decade before the outbreak of the First World War. The Serbian National Women’s Union, established in 1906, went through the years-long process of defining its objectives, including the request that women be granted the right to vote. On the other hand, the increasingly powerful international women’s movement, through strong agitation, imposed its objectives, rules and spirit of internationalism. Starting from the assumption that appearances of Serbian women within the international women’s movement were different from their hitherto experiences of presentation which were fully marked by national cultural and political features (world exhibitions, exhibitions and congresses of Slavic women), the paper analyses the content of their speeches and presentations, reports from congresses, available international correspondence. A focus is placed on aspects of their participation in international organisations of the women’s movement, which reflects not only feministic, but also political and social problems in Serbia, as well as global power relations in policies of the international women’s movement until the First World War.