Istorijski časopis

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Историјски часопис, званично гласило Историјског института, излази од 1948. године. Објављује оригиналне научне радове на српском и другим језицима. Примењује систем „слепих“ рецензија два рецензента. Тематски оквир часописа обухвата економску, друштвену, политичку и културну историју српског народа, као и његове везе са јужнословенским и осталим балканским народима, и истовремено унапређује све гране историјске науке. Хронолошки оквир је омеђен на период од средњег века до почетка 20. века, односно до 1918. године и стварања Краљевине СХС.
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Краљ Милан кроз призму британске политике
Краљ Милан кроз призму британске политике
British interest for Serbia and the rule of Milan Obrenović did not cease after the Berlin Congress, even though Britain from the early 1880s practically ceded the Balkans to Austrian politics. This can be seen in numerous reports of her diplomatic representatives in Belgrade, as well as the fact that that in 1886 Foreign Office decided to rise the level of its diplomatic representation in Belgrade to the highest level — the one of embassy. London built its attitude toward Serbian king according to the main principles of its foreign policy following the Berlin Congress (maintaining the status quo, which included preventing Russian influence in the Balkans, preventing the spread of Pan-Slavism, and preventing a federation or a union of Balkan states and peoples). When it comes to the Serb ruler’s internal policies, British were especially interested in his being declared king, his popularity among the people, his attitude toward parliamentarism, government, opposition, politicians and political parties, Church, revision of the Constitution, and in elements of his absolutist power, which they did not support. He was especially analyzed in the moments of crises: the crash of the General Union and the Bontu Affair, Timok Rebellion, Serb-Bulgarian war, endless quarrels with queen Natalija, and divorce. They were also interested in his psychological condition, private scandals, and adventurous lifestyle, as well as his idea of abdicating the power. In foreign policy, they were interested in his Austrophilia, relations with Russia, Pan-Slavism, Balkan Confederacy, and policies during the war against Bulgaria.
Кредитна политика уставобранитеља
Кредитна политика уставобранитеља
In order to boost economic development of the country, including development of its trade particularly, the Constitutionalists introduced, in 1839, a public loan on mortgage based on state funds (on the state treasury fund and widowhood, school, municipal, pupilary and church funds), and by means of series of additional regulation made the credit legislation both altered and organized. The state treasury made the basic credit fund, having the highest amount of assets on its disposal and granting loans on the lowest interest rates. The other state funds managed lower amounts of money and used to grant mostly low scale loans, occasionally on higher interest rates. In 1841 credit terms were tightened, with the minimal granted state treasury loan totaling 300 Ducats, making borrowing on small scale disincentive and directing the loan policy towards giving support to the national commercial elite. That way, congenially to the grocery trade policy, the available capital was concentrated within small segments of economic life, chosen the way to support the economic activities that were, in the opinion of the Administration, able to facilitate faster economic development of the country. Because of the lack of reconciliation among principles and practice, many segments of Serbian 19th Century economic development were featured by, a considerable amount of these resources was used by the political elite. In the late period of the Constitutionalists` rule (1858), the loan granting terms were unified, in addition to introduction of much more favorable general stipulations on lending, resulting in direction of credit policy towards giving financial support to both middle and less wealthy businessmen. In the area of private lending, the Constitutionalists kept the legislation dating from times of Miloš Obrenović valid, without showing any serious reactions on pressures put by the public, while the public itself was arguing that it was tolerating illegitimate interest rates and that private loans, mostly usurer ones, were destroying the heavily indebted population.
Кривично дело отмице девојака и жена у законодавству цара Стефана Душана
Кривично дело отмице девојака и жена у законодавству цара Стефана Душана
In Medieval states, marital and family relations were under constant social scrutiny, firm control, and even surveillance. Morality and way of behaving were not considered as personal rights. From the time of the Leo III's Ekloga dating from 726, the Church attitude that each sexual intercourse outside marriage conducted by the Church ritual was sinful and should be punished, was accepted in Byzantium. The state and the Church attempted to completely regulate marriage and family, so they also received attention on the legal codes of Medieval Serbia. That is why abducting women and girls for marriage, even with the approval of the abducted person, was considered to be a socially dangerous thing and was marked as a criminal act. In Medieval Serbia, abducting women and girls was considered a serious offence, for which severe punishments were determined. In the legal sources mentioned, the social position of victims or perpetrators is irrelevant. The only difference concerns the severity of the offence, to be determined in the investigation. The more severe offence exists if the crime has been committed with the use of weapons, so, therefore, the punishment was more severe. The less severe form was defined as the abduction without the use, or even without having any, arms. Abduction of one's own fiancée, or the acceptance of the abducted person or her family, were not considered as mitigating factors. Depending on the severity of the case, death penalty was prescribed, or several corporal and shaming punishments, as well as exile. Essentially, the crime of abducting women or girls was the crime against one's person, but, in Medieval framework, it was also the crime against morality and, in a wider sense, even against the faith and the security of the population, so it was also in the public interest to prosecute it.
Кривично дело паљевине у законодавству цара Стефана Душана према рукописима старије редакције
Кривично дело паљевине у законодавству цара Стефана Душана према рукописима старије редакције
Arson is a crime if committed intentionally or maliciously and was often followed by cruel punishments (jure talionis) according to older law sources. In the legislation of Tsar Dushan, arson can be found in several articles in the Abridged Syntagm of Matiya Vlastar and in Tsar Dushan’s Code in manuscripts of the more ancient redaction and also in Iustinian’s Law and in Tsar Dushan’s Code in manuscripts of the more recent redaction. This crime is contained in a variety of Byzantine legal sources the most important of them being: Ekloga, Agricultural legal Code, Prochiron, Epanagoga and later the Syntagm of Matiya Vlastar and The Six Books of Constantine Armenopulos. In the Abridged Syntagm the regulations contain descriptions of different forms of arson in villages and towns, in both rural and urban life conditions. A judicial inquiry was regulated in order to determine all the circumstances of the accident, when significant destruction of property had occurred. Arson is prosecuted with attention to the degree of severity and sometimes was followed by death sentence by decapitation or burning to death. Tsar Dushan’s Code deals with arson in articles 99 and 100 (according to the generally accepted numeration of Stojan Novakovic). Collective responsibility of the village (articles 99) for the damage and destruction of property if the village does not hand over the suspect to the authorities is regulated in all manuscripts of the more ancient redaction. If the village would hand over the suspect, he would be investigated. If he would be found guilty, he would be punished with death sentence. In case the arson was committed outside the village (article 100) collective responsibility was regulated for the territory of the surrounding villages if the suspect had not been handed over to the authorities as in the previous article.
Криза парламентарног система у Краљевини Србији од 1892. до 1894. године
Криза парламентарног система у Краљевини Србији од 1892. до 1894. године
After the adoption of the Constitution in 1888, King Milan abdicated and ceded the throne to his minor son Aleksandar. During the reign of the Governorship, the time of the abstinent political activities of the crown started, which led to the introduction of the parliamentary regime and enabled the Radical Party to come to power. However, the respect for the rule of the parliamentary majority lasted for a very short time, only three and a half years. After the resignation of Pašić’s government and the making of the minority liberal government in August 1892, the period of unstable constitutionality started, followed by the young monarch’s wishes to empower the rights of the crown as much as he could. In order to weaken the Radical Party, the crown started the fight against parliamentarism, which, in practice, showed clear intentions to limit its rights. The hard fight between radicals and rulers pushed both sides to total extremes – the King was pushed towards the introduction of his personal regime, and radicals were pushed towards the revolutionary declaration. The Constitution of 1888, which enabled the introduction of the parliamentary system, took effect for five years, until the second coup of King Aleksandar in 1894, which brought back to life the Constitution of 1869.
Крст у сеоском атару
Крст у сеоском атару
Science is aware of numerous crosses listed in the system of village boundaries in many Medieval charters, and they are mostly seen in the context of marking the boundary. However, just like in the cases of churches, roads, vineyards, and other anthropo-geographical entities, their primary role was not in the function of boundary. It is obvious from the charters themselves that boundary stones were placed «in front» or «lower» of the already existing crosses. The purpose of this paper is to present the multiplicity of meanings of these crosses, perceived as objects of social and religious significance for a local community, presented in a village and in a parish. That is why information from the charters is compared to other sources, where free standing crosses are mentioned. One of the most important sources is the penitential text (dated in the 13th-14th centuries) that forbids liturgies near crosses erected by the roads, as dogs and pigs make it dirty. Their religious and social use is recognized in Domentian's Life of St. Sabbas of Serbia, where pastoral eagerness of St. Sabbas, early 13th century Archbishop of Serbia, is praised by mentioning that he erected churches and crosses all over the countryside. In similar context, erecting crosses by roads is mentioned in the 16th century Ottoman kanun-nama, Hans Dernschwam's travels, or in a mid-17th century marginalia mentioning renewal of a more than one hundred years old cross. In any case, the sources mentionedconfirm the one-sidedness of the information of the charter as a source for this topic, especially as they do not provide the micro-toponymy of the village area in general, but only on its borders.
Култови светитеља заштитника од куге у Котору (XIV-XVI век)
Култови светитеља заштитника од куге у Котору (XIV-XVI век)
The written sources (judiciary-notarial documents issued by the community of Kotor), the relics of the saints and the preserved religious artefacts allow the possibility of investigating the different aspects of the plague phenomenon, ranging from the ways the disease spread its impact on the quotidian inhabitants’ behaviour, to the changes occurred in the religious practice of the believers. The contents of the testaments are proved to be the sources of the utmost utility for the exploration of this issue due to the fact that they offer the means to comprehend the specific mentality of the inhabitants of Kotor faced with the fear of this disease and their consequently altered piety. The most common pattern of manifesting one’s religious devotion, induced by this fear of morte cruda di peste was to be observed through the addressing to the saints-protectors for help. Saint Sebastian, Saint Rock, Saint Christopher and Saint Vincent Ferrer were venerated in particular as saints-protectors from the plague in Kotor. These cultic solemnities in Kotor have been examined on the grounds of the material provided by the sources and consequently analysed from the viewpoint of the environmental specificities. Saint Christopher was particularly venerated as the protector of travellers, pilgrims and sailors in the busy commercial town of Kotor. After the plague epidemics began spreading, people started to believe that he also had the power to offer protection from this disease. In the mid XIVth century his image was depicted in giant proportions on the front of the Saint Anna’s church. The inhabitants of Kotor put their greatest hopes in the intervention of Saint Sebastian and Saint Rock from the XVth century onwards. The cult of Saint Sebastian was cherished by Stefan Kalođurđević, canzellarius sclavus communitatis Catari, who built the church that bore the saint’s holy name in his garden outside the South citywalls. The image of Saint Sebastian was also depicted in Kalođurđević’ church consecrated to Saint Lady in Mržep dating from 1451. The cult of dominican preacher, Vincent Ferrer, started to flourish in Kotor briefly after his canonization took place in the year of 1455. By the end of the XVth century, a small church just aside the dominican monastery of Saint Nicolas was erected in Kotor and consecrated to the aforementioned saint. The inhabitants’ beliefs concerning St. Vincent’s protection from the plague can be traced in the XVIth century narrative from the life of the Blessed Osanna of Kotor.
Кучево и Железник у светлу Османских дефтера
Кучево и Железник у светлу Османских дефтера
The medieval region of Kučevo was mentioned in the Serbian and Hungarian historical sources from the last decades of the 12th to the 1440-ies. During the 14th and the first third of 15th century Kučevo had a market and a mine Železnik. The first Ottoman census of the Smederevo sandjak from 1476/8, noted almost 150 settlements in the nahiye of Kučevo and thus enables precising its borders. It could be concluded that Kučevo was not situated, as it had been thought for a long time, in the poorly inhabited mountainous region of the central and upper flow of the river Pek, but between Avala, the Danube, Velika Morava, Jasenica and Kosmaj, i. e. between the regions (the lands) of Mačva and Braničevo. The last Serbian capital in the Middle Ages, Smederevo, was built at the territory of Kučevo. The western part of this region was a mining basin of Avala and Kosmaj with the mines of Železnik and Rudišta. Rudišta was situated south of Avala, near todayís Ripanj, while Železnik was in the area of the village of Stojnik at Kosmaj. In this mining basin primarily silver and lead had been exploited continuously since the ancient times, in Middle Ages and the period of the Ottoman rule up to the present day. Although in close administrative, political and church relations with Braničevo, (the land of Braničevo) during the Middle Ages, Kučevo kept its uniqueness up to the fall of Serbia in 1459, although, after the building of Smederevo, the Smederevo vlast (administrative area) was formed at this territory. In the territories of the medieval region the Ottomans had formed their nahiye of Kučevo, while western mining regions belonged to the emperors estate (has), and afterwards to the nahiye of Železnik.
Кућа воштана (Geto) у Дубровнику према трговачким књигама браће Кабужић (1426–1433)
Кућа воштана (Geto) у Дубровнику према трговачким књигама браће Кабужић (1426–1433)
The wax house (geto) was processing crude wax (çerа cruda) into fine wax (çerа finа). Particularly important for the examination of this process and operational organisation of the wax house (geto) are the Trade Books of the Kabužić Brothers (1426-1433), i.e. their Sqarço (Reminder) which has not been published, unlike the Diary and the General Ledger. Each item of çerа cruda is accompanied with all elements relating to its processing (carrier costs, waste, a percentage for customs – dohana del geto). To the right, in the second part of the same çerа crudа item, the quantity of çerа finа obtained by purifying çerа crudа is expressed. This process lasted most often from four to nine days. Two officiales, appointed from the ranks of nobility by the Dubrovnik government performed administrative activities, made payments to employees and collected mandatory customs (dohana del geto). Of other staff, there were primarily maistori, as well as numerous workers (lavoranti) and carriers (bastasi). They all worked for compensation. Based on Squarço, new knowledge is obtained about this important institution in Dubrovnik’s economic life. The importance of such knowledge is all the more important as fine wax (çerа finа) obtained through processing in the wax house was – after precious metals, the main item of export, from Serbia and Bosnia through Dubrovnik to foreign markets.
Легенда о Павломиру Белу
Легенда о Павломиру Белу
The oldest anonymous chronicler of Dubrovnik mentioned the legend of the founder of Dubrovnik Radoslav Belo, the grandson of the dethroned Serbian ruler Radoslav, who had returned from Rome to restore his patrimony. The Chronicle of the Dukljanin Priest (13th century) mentions this legend too, expanding the role of Radoslav Belo to the hinterland too, ascribing to him the establishment of the Ras Eparchy and the conquest of the Ras region. Analyzing the Dubrovnik chronicles as well as the Chronicle of the Dukljanin Priest we could conclude that the legend of Radoslav Belo and the transfer of the saint relics from Rome to Dubrovnik is a complex tradition based upon some historical events. It could be concluded that Radoslav Belo is a historical figure and that most probably he had been a descendant of one of the dethroned Serbian ruler, while the myth on the transfer of the saint relics from Rome to Dubrovnik as well as on his political actions concerning the Ras region had been construed later. The most reliable conclusion of that is the fact that already at the beginning of the 9th century, at the latest, a record existed in Dubrovnik concerning the transfer of the saint relics, to which had been later added the Slavic legend of Radoslav Belo. It would seem that the legend of Radoslav Belo had been finally formed in the first half of the 11th century, when the Slavic tribes started to establish closer contacts with the citizens of Dubrovnik and to settle within the city walls.
Лесковачки вакуфи у периоду од османског освајања до краја XVI века
Лесковачки вакуфи у периоду од османског освајања до краја XVI века
During the 16th century, Leskovac was a small town with pronounced Muslim majority, and, with the aid of vakuf, became a settlement with all the Oriental-Islamic characteristics. The first phase in the development of Leskovac as an Ottoman settlement, through vakuf, covers early period of the Ottoman rule, and ends immediately following the conquest, and is marked by the building of the mosque, hammam, and mesjid. In the following period, Leskovac acquired another mesjid, maqtab, caravan saray and bridge, all of which were the part of the vakuf of Mevlana Muhiyudeen, son of Iskander. This was the most prosperous Leskovac vakuf, which particularly influenced that Leskovac acquired an Oriental look. Between 1536 and 1570, there was a sudden increase of the Muslim population, even the real development of the foundations. During this period, another three mesjids, one zaviya, another mosque, as well as the hammam in the Perate village were built. The last phase is characterized by the slow decrease in population, so in the following few decades only a single mosque and a maqtab were built.
Лијевче поље - белешке о насељима и природи 15 - 19. век
Лијевче поље - белешке о насељима и природи 15 - 19. век
This article aims to present available data on the changes of environment and settlements that existed in the field of Lijevče, from the 15th until the 19th century. Documentary data, both medieval and Ottoman, are scarce and yield scant evidence. Therefore, we have relied on archeological data and cartographic material. Due to several literary descriptions and travel accounts of Lijevče polje, we have been able to target the beginning of the shaping of presentday landscape. Similar to neighbouring Slavonija, the plain of Lijevče, on the left bank of lower Vrbas river, was densely forested until modern times. Vast forests of oak and beech wood, mixed with poplar and willow trees in flooded areas, represented a very significant natural resource. Settlements, together with the arable land, appeared on the ground of forest clearings, like oases in the “forest desert”. Through the soft, alluvial soil, innumerable water flows interwove, making the imperative that the inhabitants should protect their homes and crops from floods. Therefore, they built primitive system of trenches, ditches and earth dams, which served, on one side, as fishing ponds, and on the other, asdry transportation routes. Because of extensive agriculture and drainage, the whole area of Lijevče, with its numerous archeological sites, went though dramatic changes.During the second half of the century, the town of Levač (Lijevče) emerged from a feudal residence place. Due to the cartographic evidence and archeological material, we are able to finally identify this settlement, which gave its name to the whole plain. It was located some 8 kilometers in the east from Bosanska Gradiška, and only a couple of kilometers from Sava river, in the area of today’s village of Laminci. In the eve of the Ottoman conquest, the name of Lijevče was used as the synonym for the plain of Vrbas (campus Vrbas). The Ottoman authority took it over and named its administrative unit nahiye Lefçe, with 34 villages, 20 mahalas and 9 mezraas. The settlement itself went through changes. The wooden fortress was left to detriment, probably soon after the Ottoman conquest of Slavonija (1540). There are no evidence of this settlement in travel accounts or cartographic material, until its end days. One Russian official report stated that the inhabitants of the village Lijevče had deserted this settlement in 1865, and they had gone to Slavonija, but they had left no trace in the new homeland. Several years later began the new wave of German colonization, which again resulted in the change of the place names and settlement pattern. Full-scale industrialization of agricultural practice happened only after the Second World war, but drainage works were performed much later, during the 70-ties and 80-ties.

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