Istraživanja – Journal of Historical Researches
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Istraživanja – Journal of Historical Researches is dedicated to publishing the best academic ideas regarding all aspects of socio-political processes and events primarily in the region of Central and South East Europe, as well as the Eastern Mediterranean. However, the geographical focus is not strict since the studies of all phenomena and processes which occur elsewhere but are relevant for mentioned geographical area are welcomed. Since the University of Novi Sad is located in the part of the world where different civilizations, cultures, religions and peoples have met and intertwined for millennia, Istraživanja especially emphasizes the critical research of the impact and significance of these mutual interactions and entanglements. The Journal greatly values an interdisciplinary approach, which is why it publishes not only the papers that study “typical” political history, but also works which critically analyze social and cultural life in the past (material culture, political thought, literature, religion, etc.) and come from the fields of archaeology, anthropology, ethnology, art history and classical studies. However, Istraživanja - Journal of Historical Researches does not publish "rough" unanalyzed materials, field, questionnaires and interviews reports, pure linguistic analyses or any kind of contributions limited to bare reproduction of data and uncritical synthesis of previous scholarship.
ISSN: 0350-2112
eISSN: 2406-1131
UDC: 94(082)
COBISS.SR-ID: 17763584
doi: 10.19090/i
Published by: University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Philosophy, Journal website
Pages
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- ОПШИРНИ (MUFASSAL) ДЕФТЕР ЗА СМЕДЕРЕВСКИ САНЏАК ИЗ 1741. ГОДИНЕ
- In 1741 a detailed defter for the Sancak of Semendire was created during the postclassical period, during which the significance of this type of documents in bureaucratic practice was brought to minimum as a result of the process of fiscal transformation. The lifting of tax burden imposed on the landholdings, crisis of the spahia-tymar system, privatisation of the mechanism of tax collecting through the ‘iltizam’ system, all resulted in the transformation of the form of address between the centre and the periphery. As during the transition period (17th-18th centuries) defters appeared sporadically and most often after a certain territory had been brought back to the Ottoman rule, modern historiography has introduced the term postclassical defterology. The primary characteristics of these defters are the lesser credibility of data, their dependence on the principles of earlier Ottoman defters, rather than on the principle of the system of governance established there by the foreign management, and the creation of defters on the principles based on the size of the landed property for each particular household (hane). The Semendire Sancak defter of 1741 did not record the area of the landholding, but was obliged to follow a similar principle in relation to the differences in rate of taxation for each settlement in particular. The paper presents the pattern of taxation, points to variations in the two existing defter registers (TTD 17 and TTD 18), and makes reference to the relevant original, provides transliteration and translation.
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- ОРОНИМИ У СРПСКИМ СРЕДЊОВЕКОВНИМ ПОВЕЉАМА
- Relief is one of the most important and influential elements of the environment. All forms of the Earth's surface, i.e. its roughness and plane surfaces predetermine the type and forms of borders in a space. Mountains, hills, and mountain peaks, head, ridges, cliffs, rocks, steep slopes, headlands, valleys and pastures have a border role. Oronyms are clear, precise, easily visible, immobile, permanent borders, which exist under the same or similar name since the Middle Ages to the present day.
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- ПАТРИЈАРХ ГЕОРГИЈЕ БРАНКОВИЋ И ПРОТИВСРПСКЕ ДЕМОНСТРАЦИЈЕ У ЗАГРЕБУ 1895. ГОДИНЕ
- During the visit of the Emperor Franz Josef to Zagreb in October 1895, there was an attack on the Serbian church, the flag, and several Serbian institutions in Zagreb. The Patriarch Georgije was also attacked, as well as a few prominent Serbs. Priests were harassed, and a lot of Serbs who were in the church of the Transfiguration of the Lord to greet the monarch, were subjected to insults and physical attacks after the visit. Reaction of the Serbian political scene was brisk. Liberals and radicals unanimously condemned the attacks, characterizing them as unworthy of the times in which they lived, and unworthy of Europe which Croatian political elite was praising of, presenting themselves as carriers of the Western culture to the East. For some time, especially the Serbian press wrote and analyzed these events in the light of the Serbo-Croatian conflict.
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- ПАТРОНСКА ДЕЛА ЈЕДНОГ НЕСВАКИДАШЊЕГ УГАРСКОГ БАРОНА
- Based on the analysis of published sources, the paper presents the patron activity of the Hungarian palatine and the County Prefect of Bačka, Jean Druget. Druget was Gaul (French, Provence originated) by his origin, from the Kingdom of Naples, who arrived in Hungary upon the invitation of the Hungarian ruler Charles Robert of Anjou, in 1328. In light of his origin and the development of new Anjou chivalrous culture in the Hungarian court, it would be interesting to analyze Jean’s remarkable activity in the field of donations and sponsorship of religious institutions. Despite the fact that this knight and baron was an acquaintance of the Hungarian ruler, he spent a relatively short time in Hungary (1328-1333/4). In his previous homeland of the Kingdom of Naples, the Druget family had the patron right over the Church of St Mary situated on their property Pascarola in the territory of the city of Aversa. In 1329, in Hungary, Jean donated his property Kisdir (Kisdér) in Baranja county to the church. Also, the last day of Advent of the following 1330, Druget donated the property called Sydän (Zidane), which came into his hands by the court decision, being upheld by the ruler, to the Cistercian monastery of Santa Maria de Monte (Borsmonostor, Klostermarienberg) in Sopron County, for the salvation of his soul. Finally, in 1330, in the Višegrad capital, Druget issued a charter which declared that he the Knightly Order of Saint Lazarus in Hungary under his special protection. Jean was seen and remembered as a nobleman loyal to patron activities. However, one act singled him out from the rest of the aristocracy, because its nature was equal to the patron activities usually reserved for the rulers. It was the special protection of the Knightly Order in the Kingdom of Hungary.
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- ПИСЦИ РУСКЕ ИСТОРИЈЕ – М. В. ЛОМОНОСОВ И Н. М. КАРАМЗИН
- This work examines the history writing of Mikhail Vasilyevich Lomonosov and Nikolay Mikhailovich Karamzin. Besides a brief review of their biographies and work in other fields of Russian culture and science, an examination is made of their historiographical method, the sources they used, and the intellectual influences which shaped their thinking. Lomonosov, who wrote his most significant historiographic work Ancient Russian History in the mid-18th century, was an ardent opponent of the Normanist theory of Russian origins. Karamzin, who published his 12-tome History of the Russian State in the 1820s and 1830s, accepted this theory fully.
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- ПИТАЊЕ СРЕЗОВА У ВОЈВОДИНИ 1955–1965. ГОДИНЕ
- The Autonomous Province of Vojvodina after 1945 was divided not only into the categories of city (grad) and municipality (opština) but also okrug and srez, boundaries of which were largely inherited from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. However, the introduction of self-management (samoupravljanje) brought changes to these administrative divisions with the first steps towards a communal system. The essence of such reform in political and territorial units lay in the creation of economic wholes by merging several municipalities. Simultaneous joining of srez areas also occurred, until the distinction was entirely lost. This caused several problems, such as jealousy between economic centres and ethnic misunderstandings, particularly in Vojvodina. The final steps in the reform created the system of local self-management which remains largely intact to this day.
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- ПЛАТОНОВА КРИТИКА ДЕМОКРАТСКОГ КОНЦЕПТА СЛОБОДА ДА СЕ РАДИ ШТА СЕ ХОЋЕ
- Regardless of the fact that they conceived the notion of democracy, or perhaps precisely because of that, the ancient Greeks were the harshest critics of democracy. Plato was distinguished in this regard among the other ancient philosophers. He, as well as the other critics of democracy, particularly disliked the democratic ideas of freedom, which included the concept of licence to do what one pleases. This study analyzed the characteristics and importance of this concept on the basis of the example of his criticism in the dialogues Gorgias and the Republic. In this way, it was shown that the concept of licence to do what one pleases was important for Plato's critique of democracy, and that it was not unfounded and motivated exclusively on the basis of the political prejudice.
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- ПОЉУПЦИ БЕЗ БРОЈА – БРАНИК ВЕЧНОЈ НОЋИ
- In his Poem Five, which is one of the four poems directly or indirectly devoted to counting the kisses, Gaius Valerius Catullus contrasts a passionate and intense life of eternal night with the reality of death. Such a life, filled with countless kisses and a continuous giving and receiving, is a medicine against wicked old men and evil envy. A Serbian poet Sima Pandurovic, who uses Catullus’ four verses as the motto for his poem After Old Catullus, is a rational and consistent pessimist. For him as well, the only option to survive life is to love and retreat into solitude. There should be a getaway from people and society, but a getaway for two.
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- ПОГЛЕДИ РАСТИСЛАВА МАРИЋА НА ВЕРОВАЊЕ И ОБИЧАЈЕ СТАНОВНИШТВА НА ТЕРИТОРИЈИ ПОДУНАВЉА У АНТИЧКО ДОБА
- The paper presents the works of Rastislav Marić on beliefs and customs of the population on the territory around the Danube in antiquity. His views and interpretations of the beliefs of Thracians, Illyrians and Celts are presented. Furthermore, specific divinities on which we have very little data and cannot determine their true origin are also presented here.
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- ПОЛИТИКАНСТВО ИЛИ ПРОЛЕГОМЕНА ДЕМОКРАТСКЕ СТРАНКЕ КОД ВОЈВОЂАНСКИХ СРБА АУСТРО-УГАРСКЕ МОНАРХИЈЕ
- The political position of Serbs from Vojvodina in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in the early twentieth century was very complex. Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire tried to present its social situation as well as a progress in democratization, the reality was quite different. The demographic structure of the population of Hungary imperatively conditioned the democratization of the society for its survival, but the state policy tended to Hungarian national exclusiveness. In such a political radicalization of attitudes, the political and party articulation of Serbs was a very uncertain mission. Even the political representatives of the Serbian nation in Vojvodina themselves were burdened by the party antagonism and the interest politicking. Any ideas or political actions were viewed through the prism of their own success or failure. Hence the labeling became normal, and any more liberal attempt remained in the shadow of charges for opportunism. Degradation and mutual denunciation additionally weakened the identity of the Serb political elite. The consequence was their helpless watching the abolition of church and school autonomy of Serbs in the Monarchy. An unsuccessful attempt to form the Serbian Democratic Party in Hungary was a result of the defeated massification ideas of liberal-democratic ideas, their program articulation and party organization. Condemnation of existing Serbian parties was also an intractable problem in the constitution of the party.
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- ПОЛИТИЧКА ИСКУШЕЊА ИДЕНТИТЕТА СЛОВАКА У ВОЈВОДИНИ 1919-1941.
- In the period from 1918 to 1941 political actions of Slovaks in Vojvodina, i.e. within the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, were at first filled with hope. Slovaks welcomed the idea of a south-Slavic state and even participated in their creation through their political representatives. Their most prominent representatives, such as Ljudevit Mičatek, Vladimir Mičatek, Janko Buljik, Igor Štefanik, were all Yugoslav patriots, but also their national community's patriots. Cultural and economical needs had crucial influence on the concept of Slovak political programme. Their party was the Slovak National Party, which was renamed to Slovak National Farmers' Party in 1927. Cooperation of this party with the leading citizens’ parties was directed by the ambition to optimally fulfil the interests of Slovak community. There were also personal animosities present among the leading Slovak representatives, which consequently influenced the political articulation. After the introduction of the Dictatorship in 1929 the activity of Slovak party ceased and was never renewed. In 1932 Slovaks formed the Slovakian Matica (Matica slovačka), whose president became Doctor Janko Buljik. Already at the end of the same year, he became politically active in relation to the signing of the Resolution of Novi Sad. His motives for this engagement were not a result of his supporting the separatism of the state, but the economical progress not only of Vojvodina but the entire country as well. Behind this patriotism of Slovaks in Vojvodina (the so called Lowland Slovaks), there were exceptional state relations between the Republic of Slovakia and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the time before the Second World War.
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- ПОЛИТИЧКИ ЛЕГИТИМИТЕТ, МИТ, ВЕРНОСТ
- When south Hungarian Bunjevci and Šokci are in question, the idea of political legitimacy of sovereignty in Austro-Hungarian Monarchy experienced great changes in the period from 1790 to 1918. The changes in the concept of the sources of sovereignty and political legitimacy both show how political modernization built national identity. No matter how great the influence of the Court, the dynasty or the Emperor was in the series of practical acts that constricted the idea of national sovereignty in the Monarchy, in their literature and newspapers Bunjevci and Šokci spread the awareness that monarch’s rule derived from their will and that it was firmly connected to their will. Most of the ethnic communities, including Bunjevci and Šokci, built their collective identity with no essential connection to the Habsburgs. In the moment of the collapse of their empire, these communities made an open declaration on their fate, because they were ideologically prepared for the idea of national self-determination.