Istraživanja – Journal of Historical Researches
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Istraživanja – Journal of Historical Researches is dedicated to publishing the best academic ideas regarding all aspects of socio-political processes and events primarily in the region of Central and South East Europe, as well as the Eastern Mediterranean. However, the geographical focus is not strict since the studies of all phenomena and processes which occur elsewhere but are relevant for mentioned geographical area are welcomed. Since the University of Novi Sad is located in the part of the world where different civilizations, cultures, religions and peoples have met and intertwined for millennia, Istraživanja especially emphasizes the critical research of the impact and significance of these mutual interactions and entanglements. The Journal greatly values an interdisciplinary approach, which is why it publishes not only the papers that study “typical” political history, but also works which critically analyze social and cultural life in the past (material culture, political thought, literature, religion, etc.) and come from the fields of archaeology, anthropology, ethnology, art history and classical studies. However, Istraživanja - Journal of Historical Researches does not publish "rough" unanalyzed materials, field, questionnaires and interviews reports, pure linguistic analyses or any kind of contributions limited to bare reproduction of data and uncritical synthesis of previous scholarship.
ISSN: 0350-2112
eISSN: 2406-1131
UDC: 94(082)
COBISS.SR-ID: 17763584
doi: 10.19090/i
Published by: University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Philosophy, Journal website
Pages
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- АКАДЕМИК БОГУМИЛ ХРАБАК, ЈЕДАН ОД ПОСЛЕДЊИХ ПОЛИХИСТОРА ЈУГОСЛОВЕНСКЕ ИСТОРИОГРАФИЈЕ
- The paper presents basic data from the prolific and versatile scientific career of one of the last polyhistors of Yugoslav historiography. Besides respectable biography and bibliography, the paper also delivers facts that only partially represent his contribution to historical science and pedagogical work at several faculties. His life of an individualist, a scientist and a professor of several universities, who devoted his life to history is being analysed. The paper stresses the reasons why the Foundation Academician Bogumil Hrabak was established and the circumstances of the formation of his bequest within the Department of History at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad.
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- АНГАЖОВАНИ ИНТЕЛЕКТУАЛИЗАМ И ЕТИКА ОДГОВОРНОСТИ ИСТОРИОГРАФСКО ДЕЛО ТОНИЈА ЏАТА
- The paper analyzes the historiography work of an American historian of the English origin, Tony Judt (1948-2010), focusing on the specifics of his approach to historiography, intellectual history, and the criteria of ethical selection. There were distinguished three stages of his work, which led to the structure of the work: the study of Marxism, intellectual history, and public engagement. There was especially analyzed his relationship to Marxism and the distinction ideas of so called historical Marxism and theoretical Stalinism, on which basis he accused leading French post-war intellectuals of their affection for totalitarianism. During the last phase, the focus was on Judt’s critique of the American interventionism and Jewish policy in Palestine, and especially on his critique of the values of the contemporary world, which brought him back to the ideas of theoretical Marxism. Judt’s approach to historiography through the intellectual history tended to de-ideologization of science. The critique of Marxism under the burden of the Soviet paradigm was conditioned by the idea of Leszek Kolakowski that Marxism as an ideology could not exculpate errors of the Communist practice. Therefore he reprehended the postwar generation of French intellectuals led by Sartre for not distancing themselves on time from the Communist ideas, i.e. from their own past. However, through the Post-Cold War perspective Judt took positions similar to the positions of the criticized intellectuals, with the main difference that it was from an era which, besides the theoretical Marxism, did not have a paradigm in a form of historical Stalinism, which should be distanced from. Judt was never a Marxist, and his idea of the necessity of Marxism, as an alternation which should be distanced from, represented the view that without radical (revolutionary) left wing, it was not possible to have a moderate left. He was one of the loudest critics of neo-liberalism, which he attempted to de-legitimize in his claim to have more humane world.
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- АУТОНОМИЈА ПРАВОСЛАВНЕ ЦРКВЕ У КНЕЖЕВИНИ СРБИЈИ И АРОНДАЦИ.ТА ЕПИСКОПИЈА 1831-1836.
- After the creation of the Principality of Serbia in 1830, one of the most important questions was the creation and organisation of the autonomous church in it. That matter was in great deal settled by the Canonical letter on the autonomy, which was issued by the Ecumenical Patriarchate on September 1831, but it was finalised only in 1836 with patriarchal and synodical grammata. In the meantime, there was a change in Serbia’s eparchial structure, due to the fact that the Metropolitanate of Užice-Valjevo was divided to Šabac and Valjevo Episcopacies, and in 1834 Timok Episcopacy was formed as well. Therefore, the Orthodox Church in the Principality of Serbia was able to form a synod of their archiereys, which independently chose its church head, the Metropolitan of Serbia. In the meantime, in 1833 Serbia annexed the territory of six nahias. The greatest part entered the domain of the Timok Episcopacy, and the rest was given to the Metropolitanate of Belgrade, Šabac and Užice Episcopacies. There were some minor changes in the eparchial borders in 1835 as well. Through successful communication and good relations with the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the Orthodox Church in the Principality of Serbia gained canonical recognition in the rest of the Orthodox world, as well as the good foundation for acquiring full autocephality in 1879.
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- БАРСКИ ПАТРИЦИЈИ MENZE (МЕНЧЕ) - ПРИЛОГ ПОЗНАВАЊУ РОМАНСКО-СЛОВЕНСКЕ СИМБИОЗЕ
- The patrician family Menze stands out in the historical records of the fifteenth century as noticed early in historiography. Although genealogical and documentary evidence is perplexed, the family’s presence in social life of the southern Adriatic communities cannot be excluded. Related onomasticon and toponyny represent the living proof of Romance-Slavic symbiosis present for centuries in the area of Bar. Other historical evidence confirms the social-economic and cultural trends of the late Middle Ages. Their status of nobility is not only corroborated by material features of the elite, but it is also evident in their functions of a procurator and auditor, as well as in their involvement in town’s administration. The familial memory and care for the preservation of patrimony, spiritual needs, as well as the commitment to literary culture are expressed in the last will and testament of Don Ivan Menze, the chaplain of St. Stephen in Dubrovnik. It is this very participation of a patrician in the collective memory that initiates the study of the sacred topography of Bar. The data contained in historical sources, which are confirmed by archaeological excavations, indicate, though, that the centuries-old legacy of St. Mary extra muros in Antibari is a testimony to oblivion.
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- БАЧКА ВАРОШКА НАСЕЉА ПРЕМА ЗЕМАЉСКОМ ПОРЕСКОМ ПОПИСУ ИЗ 1828. ГОДИНЕ
- The study relates to the demographic and economic characteristics of 3 cities and 13 towns in Bácska region according to the State Tax Census from 1828 and the population census of Ludovicus Nagy from 1827. It analysis the demographic, ethnic and religious characteristics of mentioned settlments. It covers some issues of social stratification, as well as the cities and towns agricultural production, possession situation, craftsmanship and trade characteristics.Available data reveal that after the period of Turkish rule (1526-1699) the Bácska region was successfully reintegrated into the legal and social tissue of Hungary. Moreover, we can conclude that until 1828 Bács-Bodrog County, with its urban municipalities, became one of the most developed regions of the state in the sense of the intensity of agricultural production, crafts and the extent of trade, as well as one of the ethnically most complex areas of Hungary. The 1828 census analysis has made it clear that the most important role in this development had the three royal cities: Szabadka, Újvidék and Zombor and some of the towns as Zenta, Kúla, Kanizsa, Bácspalánka and Apatin.
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- БЕЗНАДЕЖНИ САВЕЗ. СРПСКО-ХРВАТСКИ ОДНОСИ И ВОЈВОЂАНСКО ПИТАЊЕ 1848-1868 (1)
- Since 1848, the national revival in politics of Prečani Serbs had the nature of struggle for achieving collective and civil rights, as opposed to the efforts of the Hungarian political elite to ensure the primacy of the principle regarding the national independence, territorial integrity, and supremacy of a political nation in the territory of Hungary, in relation to other non-Hungarian nations. While the secular and ecclesiastical representatives of Serbs, Serbian deputies in the Croatian Parliament, and Serbian border guards tried repeatedly and unsuccessfully to achieve political and social interests in the genuine cooperation and equal alliance with the Croats, Croatian institutions and Croatian political leaders, backed by the absolute authority Ban Jelačić, managed to take advantage of the trust of the Serbian people solely in service of Croatian national policy, in order to achieve the goals which were the essence of the ideological and political construction of the Croatian national and historical right. Two different and essentially mutually contradictory state and national ideas of two Slavic nations, at the time of the Revolution from 1848 to 1849, were the most expressed in relation to the Vojvodina issue.
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- БЕЗНАДЕЖНИ САВЕЗ. СРПСКО-ХРВАТСКИ ОДНОСИ И ВОЈВОЂАНСКО ПИТАЊЕ 1848-1868 (3)
- In the period from 1865 to the conclusion of the Croatian-Hungarian agreement, Serbian policy in Croatia and Slavonia was formed in concordance with the opinion and attitudes of Serbian representatives in the Hungarian Assembly. These representatives belonged to different political parties. Leaders of Serbian liberal political thought made efforts to harmonise national interest with the party's interest. Their highest achievement was the adoption of laws which were dealing with equality of Serbian and Croatian language in the name of the official language, as well as formal acknowledgement of political equality of Serbs and Croats in Slavonia. All this happened a year before the Agreement. This treaty signed by the delegation of the Hungarian and Croatian Assemblies was perceived with different attitudes by Serbian politicians. The question of Vojvodina did not receive requested support and understanding of Croatian representatives, although it was raised several times.
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- БЕЗНАДЕЖНИ САВЕЗ. СРПСКО-ХРВАТСКИ ОДНОСИ И ВОЈВОЂАНСКО ПИТАЊЕ 1848–1868 (2)
- During a time of absolutism in the Habsburg Monarchy (1849-1860), the basis for Serbian and Croatian relations was defined by the Croatian political elite, who took for granted that the Serbs would continue to provide unquestioning support for the ideological and political constructions of Croatian statehood rights. From the Vienna Literary Agreement to the dissolving of the Croatian Parliament in 1861, leading Serbian liberals attempted in various ways — whether by parliamentary means or through public campaigns and journalistic endeavours — to win the Croatian side over to a political alliance between the two peoples. However, expectations remained unfulfilled due to fundamental differences between two ideas of the state in political, national-ethnic and territorial terms. Such differences were insurmountable, despite the attempts of the Prečani Serbs to overlook, hold back or relativise the discrepancies in the interest of reaching an alliance for which there were no key historical or social prerequisites.
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- ВАРЕШКИ НАЈАМНИЦИ КАО ТЕЛОХРАНИТЕЉИ КОМНИНСКИХ ЦАРЕВА
- The paper is a reconstruction of main features of Varangian guarding service under Comnenian emperors in Constantinople (1081-1185), referring mainly to their role in protection of the emperor both in the capital and on the battlefield. It also deals with some relative questions (Varangian role in guarding the palace, and their role in ceremonies), and details concerning their daily life. The paper is based on data from Byzantine and Western sources (both Latin and Nordic).
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- ВЕЛИКА СЕОБА СРБА КАО МИГРАЦИОНИ ТАЛАС У ВРЕМЕ ВЕЛИКОГ БЕЧКОГ РАТА
- This work presents various estimates of the number of Serbs relocated during the Velika seoba or Great Migration of 1690. The greatest problem which remains unresolved by historical research is the mention in some sources of large numbers of Serb families consisting of at least 7 to 10 members, thereby significantly affecting the tally of persons relocated at the end of the 17th century. The estimated number of Serbs who migrated during the Seoba varies accordingly in the literature from 40,000 to 500,000. This work reviews the problem and the various positions regarding it which have been adopted by Serbian historiographers.
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- ВОЈВОЂАНСКИ ПОКРЕТ ИЗМЕЂУ ЈЕДИНСТВЕНЕ ПОЛИТИЧКЕ ПЛАТФОРМЕ И СТРАНАЧКИХ ИНТЕРЕСА
- The Vojvodinian Movement arose as an expression of dissatisfaction with the economic and political standing of Vojvodina within the Kingdom of Yugoslavia following the assassination of King Aleksandar Karađorđević, contemporaneous with the gradual formation of a multi-party Parliamentary system. The aim of the movement’s leaders was to federalise the state and to attain federal status for Vojvodina. Arguments for such a position were derived from the irresponsible policies of the regime towards Vojvodina, including failed agrarian reform which was intended to ensure social peace yet provoked a crisis, unreformed hiring practices in the administration, inequitable taxation and rampant corruption. Despite the seeming reasonableness of such critiques in the face of a difficult situation, no unified platform existed among the parties which shared such dissatisfactions. Relying first on the Sombor Resolution and later on the Novi Sad Resolution of 1932, a group of politicians – most of them involved in the passage of the Resolution, albeit belonging to different parties – attempted during the mid-1940s to create a responsible political platform for solving the problems of Vojvodina. The scope of their ambitions was matched by that of the ensuing difficulties. Despite a dynamic media presence and tireless campaign during the municipal elections of 1936, the Vojvođanski pokret or Vojvodinian Movement failed to attain more than a marginal number of seats. This failure can be attributed to several reasons. For instance, a significant number of those sharing the basic aims of the Movement were unwilling to leave their own party. Instead of cooperation, a paradoxical political situation thus arose in which the last representatives of the Movement – whose aim had been to found a party – often spent their harshest critiques not on the regime but rather on members of the opposing parties active in Vojvodina. Such infighting demonstrated that in a state burdened with unresolved ethnic problems and lacking a clear constitutional concept, the political position of Vojvodina depended on the antagonistic territorial appetites of the leading Serb and Croat political parties. Such a tendency in the political life of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia pushed aside the question of Vojvodina’s constitutional status. Moreover, the unresolved ethnic problem – despite attempts at compromise such as the Cvetković-Maček Agreement – rendered any approach at the regional level pointless in the eyes of ethnically-identified voters. The failure of the Vojvodinian Movement was therefore to be expected on the eve of World War II.