Istorijski časopis

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Историјски часопис, званично гласило Историјског института, излази од 1948. године. Објављује оригиналне научне радове на српском и другим језицима. Примењује систем „слепих“ рецензија два рецензента. Тематски оквир часописа обухвата економску, друштвену, политичку и културну историју српског народа, као и његове везе са јужнословенским и осталим балканским народима, и истовремено унапређује све гране историјске науке. Хронолошки оквир је омеђен на период од средњег века до почетка 20. века, односно до 1918. године и стварања Краљевине СХС.
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O Tryphnïe Svetago Kralä
O Tryphnïe Svetago Kralä
Usurping of power is hardly something unusual in the medieval history, but it creates a problem for a historian when trying to reconstruct it based on sources. We shall say nothing new if we claim that, unfortunately for historians, only testimonials of the victor are what remains. This time, in the so-called Pejatović Genealogy, there is a fragment describing events before the death of the King Milutin, as well as the struggle of his son, Stefan Dečanski and Konstantin, for the Serbian throne. This paper critically analyses this fragment, in order to establish its importance. Despite the facts mentioned in other sources, none of them mentions that King Milutin chose Konstantin as his heir, that at Konstantin was at the death of his father in Byzant, where he was hiring an army — the fact that Stefan Dečanski used in order to claim the throne, and that the battle between them occurred at the Dmitrovačko Field, under the Zvečan fort.
On the foundation of Ragusa
On the foundation of Ragusa
The beginnings of Ragusa which will develop into the major trade center of the southern Adriatic are covered with the darkness.1 The earliest historical record, written by Cosmographer of Ravenna, most probably from the very end of the 7th century (ca. 700), mentions Ragusium id est Epidaurum. 2 This source is very important, because it makes earliest connection between the ancient Roman city of Epidaurus and Ragusa, as it is stated not only various sources of Ragusa’s origins, but also preserved in the legends developed in or around Ragusa. That strong feeling about close relations with the ancient Epidaurus is remembered even by inhabitants of Ragusa at the official documents from the 14th century: Epidaurus at the seashore was the ancient city of Ragusa. 3 The similar view about the origin of Ragusa is also preserved by the Ragusan authors: Ragusan Anonymous, Ludovico Tuberon, Mauro Orbin, Jacob Luccari, Nicolo Ragnina, etc.
Oсманизовање средњовековног града
Oсманизовање средњовековног града
The town of Prizren fell under Ottoman rule during the reign of Mehmed II the Conqueror, after 1444 and before 1452/53, the year from which the first reliable information on Ottoman possession of the town dates. Claims from Serbian chronicles about the seizure of Prizren in June 1455 must be dismissed as the new sources testify to the existence of the Prizren Sanjak in early March 1455 at the latest. In the first decades of Ottoman rule, Prizren did not undergo significant changes in urban terms. The greatest change was the construction of several Islamic religious and communal facilities and turning the Church of Our Lady of Ljeviš into the main town mosque. All new buildings were erected in the key places in the town with the aim of ensuring full control over the lives of its inhabitants. In the late 15th and the first two decades of the 16th century, new Islamic places of worship were erected in accordance with needs, on the periphery, due to the influx of settlers. As a result of economic progress, achieved in this period, a larger number of patrons built in Prizren caravanserais, schools, bridges, fountains. Intensive Islamisation at the time of Sultan Suleiman the Lawgiver resulted in the construction of mosques and masjids in downtown quarters, earlier inhabited exclusively by Christians. The erection of the religiouseducational complex of Mehmed Bey Dukagjinzade in the second half of the 16th century marked the end of this process, which led to the transformation of this medieval Christian town into an Islamic-Oriental town. Prizren was a mixed ethnic and religious milieu, where the Serbs dominated until the second half of the 16th century. Due to strong Islamisation and a more significant influx of the Albanians, which unfolded in parallel, the Serbs no longer constituted the majority of the urban population, but remained the most numerous Christian community. According to our estimate, the total number of inhabitants of Prizren in the 16th century varied between 2600 and 3800.
Pluralistic Approach and a New History of the Balkans
Pluralistic Approach and a New History of the Balkans
Студија Плуралистички приступ и Нова историја Балкана само је покушај представљања плурализма, једног од актуелних праваца у савре- меној историографији, примењеног код будуће синтезе новије балканске историје. Плурализам је сасвим нов правац у историографији, који је своје теоретске основе добио током раних деведесетих година XX века у радо- вима Бјурка (Bruke), Аплбија (Appleby), Ханта (Hunt) и Џејкоба (Jacob), а значајног писца у личности Симона Шаме. Обзиром на чињеницу да је пр- ви превод на српски језик једне целовите монографије посвећене новијој историји Балкана објављен тек пре непуне две године, као и да се код нас под ìновим приступимаî често подразумевају пре другачија идеолошка стајалишта историчара или употреба већег броја извора, него ослањање на другачије методолошке основе; извесно je дошло време за нови покушај једне целовите синтезе историје Балкана. Приложени текст, само је један прилог изразу те тежње као и предлог приступа који код нас још увек није довољно познат и примењен.
REIP(UBLICAE) RAGUSI(NAE) EIUSQ(UE) OPTIMATUM INSIGNIA. Зборник Знамења Дубровачких Породица
REIP(UBLICAE) RAGUSI(NAE) EIUSQ(UE) OPTIMATUM INSIGNIA. Зборник Знамења Дубровачких Породица
The article discusses a manuscript book entitled Reip(ublicae) Ragusi(nae) еiusq(ue) optimatum insignia, which is preserved in the collection of Cyrillic manuscripts and early printed books in the Archives of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. The book was discovered by Đorđe (Georgije) Nikolajević, who sent it from Dubrovnik (Ragusa) to the Serbian Learned Society in 1856. It is a collection of insignia, which contained originally, according to the table of contents, 40 insignia of noble and 136 insignia of middle-class Ragusan families. Today four leaves are missing, and one has been added. The collection is a work of exceptional importance for the study of Ragusan and South Slavonic heraldry. It includes, in addition to the heraldic symbols of the Ragusan aristocratic families, which are known to us from other sources as well, a number of coats of arms of middle-class families which are for the most part unknown. An analysis of the collection indicates that it was probably compiled between 1746 and 1856. This conclusion is based on the study of the first part of the collection, which contains the devices of the noble families. It is to be hoped that the future studies, primarily those focused on the part dealing with the insignia of the middle-class families, will contribute to a better understanding of this collection and provide answers to many of the questions which still remain open.
Rethinking the Territorial Development of the Medieval Bosnian State
Rethinking the Territorial Development of the Medieval Bosnian State
The text is devoted to the re-examination of Ćorović's study "The Territorial Development of the Bosnian State in the Middle Ages" (1935), in order to honor one of the greatest Serbian historians, but also to present new results in this field of scientific research. Through the text, successively points to the results of Ćorović and their validity in relation to the achievements of modern historiography. He was the first historian to devote special work to the historical and geographical problems of the medieval Bosnian state, and thus laid the foundation for future research. He showed that his reflections on the oldest core of the medieval Bosnian state - the parish of the Vrhbosni and the "old Bosnia" were all right, then the rule spotted the semi-advantageous position of the various parts of the Bosnian state, for which a precise terminology clause was recently established " country". It is precisely the greatest achievements of modern historical science that have been achieved in the field of the study of state and territorial administration, due to the fact that precise terminological identification has been made. The presence of "partisan principals" in the Bosnian medieval state was determined, followed by the activity of numerous local and central administration officials (mayors, princes, voivods, leaders, thugs, punishers) and legal regulations. In modern science, the history and development of other historical provinces are known: Usora, Soli, Podrinje, Krajina, Humske zemlje (Herzegovina). Also, some of the misconceptions, such as the size and spatial position of the End, are successfully eliminated. The development and structure of the feudal society of medieval Bosnia, cultural and religious history - these themes were presented in their historiography, and the life and activity of the most prominent bosnian nobles were also the subject of fundamental research. Based on all of the results described above, it is possible to accurately and thoroughly reconstruct the process of the creation and territorial development of the medieval Bosnian state, and more precisely to draw the boundaries of its borders through history. New results are also graphically displayed on the maps of the Historical Atlas (1997), which was compiled by a multitude of contemporary Serbian historians. The re-reading of Ćorović's study showed that, even in the light of new scientific achievements, most of his results are still valid today, making this author rightly among the greatest Serbian historians.
Roger - The Forgotten Archibishop of Bar
Roger - The Forgotten Archibishop of Bar
According to a tombstone inscription in the Cistercian monastery of Zwettl, Lower Austria, and few other charters from the year 1305, a Cistercian monk Roger appeared in Austria in 1305 and acted as a Bosnian bishop, claiming that he had been previously banished from his archbishopric seat of Bar. The documents that testify his existence, the context and the chronollogy of the political events which led to such a development are the subject of this paper.
Samostan Svetog Križa u Frankavili (Manđelosu)
Samostan Svetog Križa u Frankavili (Manđelosu)
Francavilla en Syrmie (aujourd'hui Man|elos au nord de Sremska Mitrovica) est mentionnée pour la première fois par Albert d'Aix dans sa chronique de la Première croisade. En plus de noter le nom de cette agglomération, Albert la décrit comme un "village des nouveaux venus francs" (villa advenarum Francorum). Chez al-Idrisi, célèbre cartographe arabe travaillant en Sicile au milieu du XIIe siècle, Francavilla figure aussi parmi les villes importantes des pays danubiens. Dans la chronique de la ville de Faenza écrite par le chanoine Tolosanus, on en trouve des renseignements controversés: d'après cet auteur, une partie des habitants de Milan, conquis en 1162 par l'empereur Frédéric Barberousse, auraient émigré en Hongrie pour y fonder deux colonies "dans le comté de Kalocsa", Francavilla et Kabol (aujourd'hui Kovilj). Francavilla ayant existé avant cette date, il paraît qu'il s'agit ici d'un renouvellement ou un renforcement de la colonie, peut-être atteinte auparavant par les conflits hongrois-byzantins de l'époque (on pense surtout à la campagne syrmienne de l'empereur Manuel Comnène en 1150/1). Les armées de la Troisième croisade, commandées par le même empereur Frédéric Barberousse, ont aussi fait une halte brève près de Francavilla, avant de passer par la ville de "Sirmium jadis fameuse". L'unique mention de Francavilla dans une source indigène (hongroise) du XII siècle pourrait se trouver dans une charte de 1193 du roi Béla III confirmante les possessions au monastère des chevaliers de Saint-Jean-deJérusalem à Székesfehérvár. La charte liste, entre autres, "trois vignobles à Francavilla", mais on ne peut pas exclure définitivement qu'il ne s'agit là d'une autre Francavilla hongroise, même qu'hypothétique, connue dans d'autres sources comme Olaszi (aujourd'hui Bodrogolaszi) et située dans une autre région vinicole autour du cours supérieur de la Tisza. Aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles, quand le nom peu commun de Francavilla était graduellement remplacé par le nom hongrois de Nagyolaszi (d'où Man|elos d'aujourd'hui), il y avait là une abbaye des bénédictins sous la dédicace de la SainteCroix. Elle a été précédée au XIIe siècle par un monastère des prémontrés, dont l'existence est seulement indiquée par deux bulles des papes Alexandre III et Lucius III, de 1179 et 1182 respectivement. Ces bulles confirment les possessions de l'abbaye des prémontrés à Riéval (en Haute Lorraine), énumérant parmi elles trois "lieux" ou "églises" situés en Hongrie. L'un d'eux, "le lieu de la Sainte-Croix dans la Marche près de Francavilla, dont le nom ancien était le Désert" (locus Sancte Crucis in Marchia iuxta Francam villam, qui antiquitus Eremus vocabatur), correspond entièrement à la toponymie de l'alentour de Francavilla en Syrmie. Étant donné que ce "lieu" dépendant de l'abbaye de Riéval n'apparaissait pas dans les documents ultérieurs de l'ordre des prémontrés, il est probable qu'au début du XIIIe siècle au plus tard il fut recueilli par les bénédictins pour devenir une de leurs abbayes syrmiennes. (Il est possible cependant qu'une charte de 1207 par laquelle le roi André II a confirmé l'exemption d'impôts d'une maison de l'ordre du Saint-Sépulcre dans la Marche (domus dominici sepulcri in Marchia), qui est un monastère autrement inconnu, concerne en effet le monastère à Francavilla: si cela était vrai, la fondation des prémontrés y aurait été passagèrement reprise, autour de 1200, par les chanoines du Saint-Sépulcre, qui l'auraient à leur tour abandonnée au profit des bénédictins.) D'après les chartes du roi André II et du prince Béla, de 1230 et 1231 respectivement, le monastère de la SainteCroix participait alors aux possessions du lignage éminent de Mojslav (hongr. Monoszló). À Sonta (comté de Ba~/Bács) et à Zoyl (probablement comté de Somogy), le monastère tenait des portions; à Solt (comté de Syrmie), sa portion d'autrefois avait été achetée par Thomas, le bénéficiaire principal des chartes royales, et par un de ses frères; finalement, une terre anonyme appartenante au monastère voisinait avec le domaine nommé Lochia (comté de Syrmie). Il est clair de tout cela qu'à cette époque-là les Mojslav étaient les patrons du monastère. C'étaient peut-être leurs ancêtres qui avaient fondé le monastère pour les prémontrés, dans une période précédant de près leur histoire familiale documentée. Thomas, fils de Macaire, était le premier comte de Vukovo (Valkó) connu de nom, et il portait aussi le titre d'un "ban". Bien que Francavilla soit citée par le chroniqueur Rogerius comme une victime remarquable de la dévastation de la Syrmie par les Comans en 1241, le monastère de la SainteCroix survécut à cette calamité sous les mêmes patrons. En 1297, une autre possession anonyme de l'abbé de Francavilla est mentionnée comme voisine à l'ouest de la possession de Sot/Szat (comté de Vukovo). En 1323, citant la mort, survenue dix ans auparavant, de Gilles de Vo}in (Atyina), petit-fils du ban Thomas, le roi Charles Robert a investi son chevalier loyal Michel de Morovi} (Marót), ainsi que ses deux frères, du droit de patronage sur le monastère de la Sainte-Croix. Dans les circonstances insuffisamment connues, tous les descendants du lignage de Mojslav ont ainsi perdu cet ancien patronage. Ici pour la première fois le monastère est décrit comme bénédictin en termes explicites. Les seigneurs de Morovi}, une famille issue de la souche ancienne de Gút-Keled, possé- daient les terres autour du cours inférieur du Bosut, dans la partie orientale du comté de Vukovo. L'acquisition du patronage sur l'abbaye de Francavilla presque adjacente coïncida avec le début de leur ascension sociale. Le bourg de Man|elos/Nagyolaszi conservait toujours un magistrat autonome, formé de ses habitants, en grande partie marchands. Il se trouvait à une double frontière administrative, celle des comtés de Vukovo et de Syrmie, et celle des diocèses de Pécs et de Kalocsa. Les données sur ces appartenances administratives son parfois contradictoires; l'abbaye, pourtant, est toujours attribuée à la diocèse de Kalocsa et à son archidiaconat méridional de Syrmie: ainsi, par exemple, en 1337, quand son abbé fut noté de n'avoir rien payé pour la dîme pontificale.
Servitium commune у Kоторској епископији у 14. И 15. Веку
Servitium commune у Kоторској епископији у 14. И 15. Веку
In the mid-13th century, the Pope established the rule according to which all the newly named bishops and abbots had to pay during their investiture a certain tax, the so-called servitium commune, as well as five servitia minuta. Establishing the amount of the tax and care of its fulfillment was within the competency of the Apostolic Chamber. Its documentation points that the Kotor bishops Sergije II, a dominus B., electus Catharrensis, Toma of Ulcinj, Segije III, and Adam, who headed the Kotor Church between 1328 and 1352, were exempt from this tax due to poverty. This means that in this period the revenue of the Kotor Church did not exceed one hundred gold forints. From the end of the 14th century, after the establishment of Venetian sovereignty in Kotor (in 1420), bishops regularly paid to the Apostolic Chamber a tax of 33 and one third gold forints. In the beginning, they paid this tax in two installments, although they were sometimes late, or third parties offered guarantees for them. From the time of Marin Kontaren, bishops paid the money on the same day that they were elected. At the end of the 15th century, the Kotor Church revenue increased, as did the tax, to fifty gold forints. Despite the fact that in the first half and in mid-14th century Kotor had considerable material wealth, due to the privileged position it had in the Nemanjić state, and in the city itself great care was devoted to the appearance and decoration of the churches, this does not mean that the diocese was rich. The church administration did not care very much about the property or the income of individual churches, which was reflected onto the overall position of the bishopric treasury, and the Orthodox Serbian kings did not care too much about servicing the financial obligations that their subjects, Catholic prelates, had towards the Curia. After 1420, the Venetian authorities established firm control over the material conditions in the diocese, which resulted in the increased income of the Kotor treasury and regular payment of the servitium commune.
Sur certains aspects de la fonction de cheval chez les anciens Slaves dans la periode de haut Moyen age et de Moyen age inferieur (VIe-XIe siècle)
Sur certains aspects de la fonction de cheval chez les anciens Slaves dans la periode de haut Moyen age et de Moyen age inferieur (VIe-XIe siècle)
En étudiant des sources byzantines, latines et slaves, on peut comprendre davantage le rôle que le cheval jouait dans l’organisation militaire des peuples slaves dans la période du VIe au XIe siècle. Subséquement, une analyse approfondie des rites et des coutumes dans lesquels cet animal tenait la place prépondérante, nous fournit les indications suivant lesquelles des Slaves de cette époque ont pris usage de la cavalerie comme formation militaire bien développée.
The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies in South-Eastern Europe after the First World War
The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies in South-Eastern Europe after the First World War
The article focuses on the main aspects of economic policies in Eastern Europe after the Peace Treaty of Versailles, when the whole region witnessed the collapse of the old multinational empires and their replacement with national states that were theoretically built according to the principle of national self­determination, though they were in many cases as ethnically mixed as the old empires. As a matter of fact, the new frontiers did not perfectly correspond to the ethnic divisions among the different communities that in some cases coexisted for many centuries. Also under the economic point of view, the new settlement did not reflect the economic dynamics that had characterized the region until that moment and this problem became a further hurdle for the future economic development of Europe, as pointed out during the negotiations by British advisor J. M. Keynes. The approach of the new governments, which were all destined to adopt nationalism as the ideological clue for their political and economic structures, represented an additional obstacle for the difficult post-­war reconstruction and played an important role in the post­-1929 framework. The result was a rapid decline of the newly established states towards authoritarianism and the descent of the international scenario into a bloody “European Civil War”.
The Golden Seal of Stroimir
The Golden Seal of Stroimir
The golden seal of Stroimir, recently acquired by Historical Museum of Serbia, not bearing the official rank of his owner, could belong, either to a prominent and rich person unknown from other sources, or to the well-known member of the ruling family of Serbia from the second half of the 9th century – Stroimir.

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