Istorija 20. veka

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Journal Istorija 20.veka (History of the 20th Century) is continually published biannually from 1983. Journal considers previously unpublished manuscripts of articles and scholarly contributions whose object is contemporary history of Serbia, former Yugoslavia and the Balkans in European and global context. Articles are expected to be interdisciplinary, based on original archival researches. Journal publishes articles that critically investigate social, cultural, economic and intellectual developments of 20th century. All received manuscripts are a subject to a double-blind external peer review process. In order to be accepted the manuscripts need to be deemed publishable by the editorial board and two anonymous reviewers. Articles are published in Serbian and English, and in other languages should the need arise.
Journal is included in SCOPUS, ERIH PLUS index (European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences), Central and Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL) and Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ). According to the categorization of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia, since 2015 it carries the category “National Journal of International Importance (M24)”. History of the 20th Century is an Open Access Journal.
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ISSN 0352-3160
eISSN 2560-3647
doi 10.29362/ist20veka


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DR BRANISLAV GLIGORIJEVIĆ, KRALJ ALEKSANDAR KARAĐORĐEVIĆ
DR BRANISLAV GLIGORIJEVIĆ, KRALJ ALEKSANDAR KARAĐORĐEVIĆ
Jedan od najplodnijih istoriografskih pisaca Instituta za savremenu istoriju, inače specijalista za period Kraljevine Jugoslavije, ovog puta ogledao se na biografskom delu o kralju Aleksandru. Sa ovom studijom Gligorijević se pojavljuje kao prvi srpski biograf »prokazanog« kralja Aleksandra. Političku, državničku, vojnu i kulturnu aktivnost mladog monarha B. Gligorijević prati u hronološkom rasponu od Majskog prevrata 1903. do 1918. Knjiga je utemeljena na dobroj dokumentarnoj osnovi, pošto je autor vredno pretražio arhivske depoe jugoslovenskih i ruskih arhiva (Arhiv Srbije, Arhiv Vojnoistorijskog inslituta, Arhiv Jugoslavije, Arhiv SANU, ruski Carski arhiv), objavljenu arhivsku građu, pregledao štampu, memoare i brojne istoriografske radove.
DR TOMA MILENKOVIĆ, DR ŽIVKO JOVANOVIĆ - LIČNOST U SENCI KPJ
DR TOMA MILENKOVIĆ, DR ŽIVKO JOVANOVIĆ - LIČNOST U SENCI KPJ
Živko Jovanović (1888-1923) na političkoj sceni u radnićkom pokretu pojavio se početkom 1919. Ovaj izuzetan intelektualac delovao je u komunističkom pokretu samo tri godine i uglavnom se bavio novinarstvom, publicistikom i propagandnim radom. Iako je bio veliki teoretičar i vodeći jugoslovenski marksista, vrstan govornik i izuzetan polemičar, nije imao značajniju funkciju u Komunističkoj partiji Jugoslavije. Bio je na drugorazrednim političkim Funkcijama - član Novinarskog biroa i Društva za socijalno vaspitanje. Najviše se bavio novinarstvom: bio je urednik »Radničkih novina«, »Komunističkog sela« i časopisa »Borba«. Napisao je i objavio više knjiga i preveo više brošura. Uz to je, ispred komunista, bio glavni polemičar u diskusiji pred Vukovarski kongres, a i na samom kongresu.
DRAGIŠA VASIĆ - SKICA ZA PORTRET NACIONALNOG REVOLUCIONARA
DRAGIŠA VASIĆ - SKICA ZA PORTRET NACIONALNOG REVOLUCIONARA
An objective historiographic appraisal of the life of Dragiša Vasić has yet to be made. Attempts at his portrayal have usually been based on the later period of his life, related to his work in the Movement of Ravna Gora and have been burdened by stereotype dogmatic qualifications. Dr. Vasić too complex a figure to be successfully described by the simple phrases dominant in Serbian historiography in the second half of the 20th century. Vasić was the typical intellectual rebel, always siding with the victims and those who suffered most in great historic upheavals. He was interested in ideological experiments, believing in their aims and feeling disappointment when the results achieved fell short of his expectations. Despite his occasionally contradictory actions, he remained faithful to his principal beliefs - his faith in the Serbian people and their national struggle, his belief Slavic solidarity and in God.
DRAGOLJUB JOVANOVIĆ О VLATKU MAČEKU - PRILOG ISTORIJI LIČNOSTI
DRAGOLJUB JOVANOVIĆ О VLATKU MAČEKU - PRILOG ISTORIJI LIČNOSTI
Dr. Dragoljub Jovanović, the key figure of the Serbian Farmers’Alliance left wing, left significant and interesting writings regarding his meetings with Dr. Vlatko Maček, the »leader« of the Croatian national movement. These writings show their relationship and their views concerning the role and position of the farmers, Serbo-Croat relations, the question of the form of government, reform in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the solution of the Croatian issue. In spite of certain similarities manifested in their views, the differences between completely drove them apart towards the beginning of World War II. Convinced of the necessity of a Serbo-Croat agreement and believing that Croatian national demands ought to be satisfied, Dr. D. Jovanović approached the association with V. Maček enthusiastically and with the best of intentions. Towards the close of the thirties, however, it became evident that for V. Maček he had only been a »marginal figure« and that his amicable feelings were not shared by Maček. Furthermore, according to Dr. Jovanović, Dr. Maček left the principal notions of Stjepan Radić — the founder of the Croatian farmers’ movement, tended only Croatian interests and spoke of the possibility of solving the Croatian issue outside Yugoslavia.
DRUGI (VUKOVARSKI) KONGRES KPJ (20-24. JUN 1920). PLENARNE SEDNICE CPV KPJ (FEBRUAR-DECEMBAR 1920).
DRUGI (VUKOVARSKI) KONGRES KPJ (20-24. JUN 1920). PLENARNE SEDNICE CPV KPJ (FEBRUAR-DECEMBAR 1920).
U biiblioteci »Izvori za istorijiu SKJ«, kao druga knjiga serije A/I (Dokumenti centralnih organa KPJ/SKJ - kongresi, konferencije, plenumi CK KPJ/SKJ) objavljena je građa о Drugom (Vukovarskom)kongresu KPJ i plenarnim sednicama Centralnog partijskog veća održanim u 1920. godini. Priređivači Ubavka Vujošević i Vujica Kovačev rasporedili su građu za ovu knjigu u sledeće odeljke: Dokumenti i materijali о Drugom kongresu KPJ (1 - 228); Materijali plenarnih sednica SRPJ(k) - KPJ (229 - 274); Prilozi (275 - 518), koji su razvrstani u pet grupa: (1) Pripremni materijali za Drugi kongres KPJ. Pretkongresna diskusija, (2) Materijali о pristupanju radničkih organizacija iz Slovenije Socijalističkoj radničkoj partiji Jugoslavije (komunista), (3) Predlozi i pozdravi organizacija SRPJ(k) i pojedinaca upućeni Drugom kongresu i poruke izabranim delegatima, (4) Dokumenti KPJ о Drugom kongresu Partije i plenamim sednicama CV KPJ, (5) Dokumenti policijskih i upravnih vlasti о Drugom kongresu KPJ.
DRŽAVNA REPRESIJA I JAVNO MNENJE BEOGRADA 1948-1965.
DRŽAVNA REPRESIJA I JAVNO MNENJE BEOGRADA 1948-1965.
State repression in Yugoslavia after 1948 is a topic which for the time being can only be followed through public sources. Hence, the subject of this work is the attitude of the public towards the repression exercised by the state over the population. This attitude is represented in three aspects: publicly expressed views of party leaders, legislature, treatment of repression on local city party meetings and the writing of the Belgrade press. As in other spheres of life, the conflict with Stalin initially led to an increase in both indoctrination and repression. An atmosphere of fear and persecution was instilled, while the remnants of democracy within the party were abolished. In time, the terror of the state slackened as a result of general liberalization and the wish to create a positive impression of Yugoslavia in the West. Laws were changed to reduce the authority of the secret police. The press wrote of this with relief. The leaders repeatedly stressed the humane and tolerant character of the regime, especially when compared with East Europe. There were, few political trials during the 60s although the threat was still present, contained in repressive legal acts.
DRŽAVNE GRANICE KRALJEVINE SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA
DRŽAVNE GRANICE KRALJEVINE SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA
The author presents, in this work of synthetic character, the history of Yugoslavia's state borders at the time of the Paris Peace Conference. The situation on the state borders of Yugoslavia was then a very complex one because Yugoslavia bordered on a large number of countries. The Yugoslav delegation presented its demands regarding borders at the Peace Conference in the known Memorandum. Their criteria in this matter were based on ethnic, strategic, economic, historical and other factors. This study shows that the definite border between the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenians and Albania was determined only in April 1925. Sporadic negotiations went on in the meantime but there were also constant border skirmishes and larger military conflicts between the two countries. In the end, the border determined in 1913 was reinforced (with minor changes in Yugoslavia’s favor). This decision remained effective after the Second World War. The study shows how the Bulgarian army cut through the Morava -Vardar valley in 1915, taking advantage of the valley’s proximity to the Bulgarian border. In order to prevent this from being repeated in the future, the Conference took away from Bulgaria Strumičko Polje and the regions of Bosiljgrad and Caribrod, and moved the border to strategic positions in the east. As far as Romania is concerned, both the Romanian and the Yugoslav delegation at the Peace Conference made maximum demands regarding Banat. However, a compromise was reached by dividing Banat. In Bačka the border with Hungary remained for the most part at the point reached by the Serbian army and requested by the Yugoslav delegation. A great political battle had to be fought for Baranja so that one of its parts, populated mostly by Slavs, would go to Yugoslavia. The regional government in Ljubljana was rather passive in its politics regarding the border with Austria. The military actions it undertook in Koruška were mild and did not have the support of the local Slovenian population, lits military troops would seize certain territories without battle and would then lose them without putting up much of о struggle. Koruška was the only region in which a plebiscite was applied in this matter. In the plebiscite at the end of October 1920, most Slovenians of Koruška voted in favor of Austria so that nearly the whole region was lost. The state border determined at the time remained valid after the Second World War, Yugoslavia's greatest problems concerning borders were with Italy as the latter was one of the victorious allied countries and had a strong influence on the Peace Conference. Furthermore, the powers of the Entente had promised Italy large parts of Yugoslav territory by a secret treaty signed in London in 1915, in order to win it over to their side, Immediately after the war, the Italian army took possession of all the parts promised to Italy and more. Negotiations between Yugoslavia and Italy were very slow. The Agreement signed in Rapallo, on 12 November 1920, gave Italy a large part of Julijska Krajina, Primorska, the whole of Istria, the islands Cres, Lošinj and Lastovo and the city of Zadar. Rijeka with its surrounding regions was proclaimed an independent state. However, Italy constantly and successfully undermined the state of Rijeka and practically annexed it. By renewing pressure on Yugoslavia, Italy managed to gain formal recognition of the situation it had created by the Rome Agreement of January 1924, which gave Rijeka to Italy.
DRŽAVNO I DRUŠTVENO UREĐENJE JUGOSLAVIJE U GLEDIŠTIMA SRPSKIH REPUBLIKANACA (1919 - 1925)
DRŽAVNO I DRUŠTVENO UREĐENJE JUGOSLAVIJE U GLEDIŠTIMA SRPSKIH REPUBLIKANACA (1919 - 1925)
Basing his work on the written sources - the legacy of the leading figures of the Republican Parity, the author presented their attitudes toward principal matters concerning the State and the Social System of Yugoslavia. The viewpoints of the Republicans had political importance, first of all because their leading characters were the acknowledged intellectuals: academicians (Dr Ljuba Stojanović, Dr Jovan Žujović), men of science (Dr Branislav Petronijević, Dr Mihailo Ilić), and both the old and the young generation of outstanding writers (Jaša Prodanović, Milan Bogdanović, Stanislav Vinaver). Serbian Republicans, politically acting as radical opposition to the established political system based on monarchy and centralism, made their political program, its main items being: the republican form of governing and federal State System of Yugoslavia. They achieved this program gradually by the ariticims of hegemony position of Serbian bourgeoisie and by comprehension of differing interests of each Yugoslav nationality. Their economic-social program, based on demands for reducing private property and making means of production a public property, seemed very interesting. Serbian Republicans saw the liberation of workers from hired labor in uniting of all workers and establishing „factories-cooperatives” which they would own together. Republicans preferred the legal fight and reforms to revolution as means of realization of their program. They did not reject revolution, but they realized that revolution was not the way to win against the monarchy. After the unsuccessful cooperation with Radić’s Croatian Republican Peasant’s Party, Serbian Republicans became closer in their viewpoints to the Communist Party of Yugoslavia which was trying at the time to realize the legal forms of its activity.
DUČIĆEVI STAVOVI O ITALIJANSKO-JUGOSLOVENSKIM ODNOSIMA
DUČIĆEVI STAVOVI O ITALIJANSKO-JUGOSLOVENSKIM ODNOSIMA
Jovan Ducic assumed the position of royal emissary in Rome in 1933. In the six years he had spent in Italy Ducic’s predecessor in this position, Milan Rakic, was unable to accomplish the main purpose of his office, that of improving relations between his own country and Italy. Likewise, from the beginning of his term in office, Ducic was faced with Mussolini’s unyielding intention to break up Yugoslavia. December 1933 marked the beginning of a bitter anti-Yugoslav campaign in the Italian media. Relations between Italy and Yugoslavia were extremely complex between the two world wars, involving frequent and sometimes drastic changes in policy. Periods in which it seemed as if contacts between the two countries might assume a spirit of friendship and cooperation were succeeded by others in which they appeared to be on the verge of war. Despite several bilateral agreements signed by these neighboring countries „in a warm and reconciliatory atmosphere” in the period between the wars, their relations remained irredeemably bad. The course these relations would take depended almost entirely on Italy’s plans and actions in the sphere of foreign politics.
DUŠAN SIMOVIĆ - PRILOZI ZA BIOGRAFIJU DO 1941.
DUŠAN SIMOVIĆ - PRILOZI ZA BIOGRAFIJU DO 1941.
Army general Dušan Simović was one of the most noted and best educated officers of the Serbian and Yugoslav army yet little was known of his brilliant military career prior to 1941. Already a promising young officer in the years preceding the Balkan wars and WW I, he held important commanding positions in these wars and received several of the highest national and foreign military honors. When armed hostilities ceased in 1918 and the new Yugoslav state was established, Dušan Simović was appointed to the most elevated positions, including that of delegate of the Royal Government and Supreme Command in the Government of the National Assembly of the Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, member of the Military Mission in Zagreb, participant in the forming of the 4th army region and adjutant to Regent Aleksandar Karađorđević. In the 1920’s, Simović was chief or assistant chief of staff in numerous army and division headquarters, trained in the French army, became second in command of the Air Force etc. Later he became second assistant to the general staff commander and commander of the Air Force. The highest point in Simović’s career was from September 1938 to January 1940, when he became commander of general staff. Prior to becoming president of the government following the coup d’etat on 27 March 1941, he was commander of the Air Force. Simović was one of the architects, organizers and main participants of the coup d’etat and Yugoslav Prime Minister until the middle of January 1942. He retired in January 1943 and returned to Belgrade in May 1945. He died in Belgrade in 1962.
DVA DOKUMENTA О DELOVANJU VMRO
DVA DOKUMENTA О DELOVANJU VMRO
Gligor Ciklev, komitski vojvoda, pripadnik VMRO , koji je poput Stojana Miševa kao i »federalista« - Slave Ivanova, llije Pandurskog i drugih posle 9. junskog prevrata (1923) u Bugarskoj prešao u Vardarsku Makedoniju i stavio se na raspolaganje jugoslovenskim vlastima. Tom prilikom, G. Ciklev je, pored ostalog, podneo izveštaj о sistemu organizacije VMRO , kao i svoje viđenje istorijata organizacije, od njenog osnivanja 1893. do 1924. godine.
DVA ZNAČAJNA ISTORIOGRAFSKA DELA
DVA ZNAČAJNA ISTORIOGRAFSKA DELA
Dva značajna istoriografska dela koja imam zadovoljstvo da vam danas predstavim dvostruko su povezana: personalno i sadržinski. Personalno, jer je reč o drugom izdanju knjige Istoričari savremena epoha, pok. prof, dr Branka Petranovića (Beograd, 1997) i dvotomnoj knjizi Istoriografija pod nadzorom. Prilozi za istoriju istoriografije, koju su napisali prof. dr Đorde Stanković i docent dr Ljubodrag Dimić (Beograd, 1996). Sadržinski, oba dela pripadaju istoriji istoriografije, u čije središte stavljaju ličnost istoričara.

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