Istorija 20. veka
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Journal Istorija 20.veka (History of the 20th Century) is continually published biannually from 1983. Journal considers previously unpublished manuscripts of articles and scholarly contributions whose object is contemporary history of Serbia, former Yugoslavia and the Balkans in European and global context. Articles are expected to be interdisciplinary, based on original archival researches. Journal publishes articles that critically investigate social, cultural, economic and intellectual developments of 20th century. All received manuscripts are a subject to a double-blind external peer review process. In order to be accepted the manuscripts need to be deemed publishable by the editorial board and two anonymous reviewers. Articles are published in Serbian and English, and in other languages should the need arise.
Journal is included in SCOPUS, ERIH PLUS index (European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences), Central and Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL) and Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ). According to the categorization of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia, since 2015 it carries the category “National Journal of International Importance (M24)”. History of the 20th Century is an Open Access Journal.
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ISSN 0352-3160
eISSN 2560-3647
doi 10.29362/ist20veka
Pages
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- CAUSES OF THE ARMED CONFLICT IN CROATIA 1991. RESOLVING CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL INCONSISTENCIES
- This text is intended to identify, clarify and resolve the most frequent examples of methodological inconsistencies found in the current literature by Serbian and foreign researchers, and to point to their conceptual, methodological and factual inconsistencies. This work follows the basic line of conceptual delimitation concerning the phenomenon of the breakup of Yugoslavia, on one hand, and of the violent conflicts in certain Yugoslav republics, on the other. It is based on the interdisciplinary analysis of the findings in the field of international relations and historical analysis, while relying primarily on the fundamental sources of historical material. Henceforth, this paper will address the issues of correct determining of the main and secondary actors, temporal determination and elements for making a clear and unambiguous definition of the armed conflict in Croatia.
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- CENTRALNI ORGANI DRŽAVNE UPRAVE KRALJEVINE SHS О KOMUNISTIČKOJ PARTIJI JUGOSLAVIJE
- Government authorities of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia regarded KPJ as a terrorist organization and an enemy of the state whose primary aim was to undermine the foundations of the state and to introduce the dictatorship of the proletariat modeled after Soviet Russia. Initially the fear of possible revolutionary changes was one of the main motives for the actions undertaken by government authorities against the Communists. Repression was the method most often used in the hope of preventing a revolution. The authorities sought to defend the existing system by banning 'the operation and the ideas of KPJ. At the time in which KPJ was outlawed the laws prohibiting its operation were not applied consistently to the Communists. Each case was viewed separately and was largely left to the notions of the police authorities. There was no attempt to understand why communist ideas were taking root in the Kingdom since it was thought that they could have no influence on the inner development of the state. KPJ was seen as being only an exponent of the Comintern and of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union.
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- CIONISTIČKI POKRET U KRALJEVINI SRBIJI I KRALJEVINI JUGOSLAVIJI 1902-1941.
- Zionism, the Jewish national and political movement was formed towards the end of the 19th century with the purpose of creating a national state for the Jews in Palestine, the land of their origin. The first traces of the Zionist movement in the south-Slavic region appeared in the academic society »Bar Giora«, founded in Vienna in 1902 by Jewish students from Balkan countries. The first Zionist association in Belgrade was formed in 1905 under the name »Gideon«. In 1919 the Zionist Association of Yugoslavia was formed in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia with its center in Zagreb. The founders of the Zionist movement in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia were mainly young Jews from Ashkenazi quarters. In Serbia, both in Belgrade and in the provinces, inhabited mostly by Sephardic Jews, the movement’s organization developed more slowly. It became more active in the thirties, prompted by a rise in anti-Semitism in several European countries. Towards the end of the period between the two world wars the Zionists represented the strongest organized group within the Yugoslav Jewish community. They proceeded to take over leading positions in the majority of Jewish communities as well as in the central institution of Yugoslav Jews - the Association of Jewish Religious Communities of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Immediately following the end of World War One, the movement was being sponsored by four to five thousand Yugoslav Jews whose number grew to over ten thousand just before the Second World War. Yugoslav government institutions did not hinder the organized activity of the Zionist movement. On the contrary, the attitude of the Yugoslav government was generally benign and was sometimes openly supportive of this movement at international meetings.
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- CZECHOSLOVAK-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE FIRST YEAR OF KING ALEXANDER’S DICTATORSHIP
- This study examines bilateral political and diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (from October 1929 Yugoslavia) during the year 1929 when the royal dictatorship in Yugoslavia was proclaimed. The author also focuses on the Czechoslovak attitude toward the Yugoslav dictatorship during its first year. The study is based on archival sources from the Czech and Yugoslav archives (especially diplomatic reports and correspondence) as well as literature and the press from 1929. Despite the fact that the democracy in the Kingdom of SCS was obviously curbed, Czechoslovak political leaders headed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs Edvard Beneš supported Royal Dictatorship in the Kingdom of SCS. In particular, Beneš wanted to prevent weakening of the Little Entente and also Czechoslovakia’s position as its leader. This stance helped the regime in Yugoslavia to strengthen and to establish on internal and international political scene.
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- Cenzura u doba šestojanuarskog režima kralja Aleksandra
- In Yugoslavia, in the period of King Alexander’s January 6th regime, the strict censorship was imposed which most affected the press but also publishing in the whole and politics and culture. The Government’s work and law were only allowed to be written about in superlatives, due to the fact that any political situation analysis, mentioning economic crisis, unemployment or any effort to point to a public or social problem, was considered bad criticism and came under the Press Law attack. Journalists, the domestic as well as the foreign ones, were also carefully monitored, sometimes even followed by police. In the Kingdom during the period of January 6th regime, there were much more ‘forbidden’ than ‘allowed’ themes, as a result of which the print was forced to turn to sensationalism, mostly dealing with criminal and corruption. Objective difficulties, both political and economical, were not possible to be hidden, and the lack of the correct information on the landscape in the Kingdom created certain vacuum which was favourable to spreading the most fantastic news and words on the regime’s horrible brutalities and strengthening anti-state feelings and affections primarily in Croatia.
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- Contents
- TOC Issue 1/2010
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- Crnogorska komponenta u oružanim snagama Jugoslavije 1918–1991
- This paper has an aim to clarify historical prospective and position of Montenegrin component within mutual Yugoslav armed forces established after 1918. One can follow their position in the period of the Kingdom, in Yugoslav Homeland Army (general Mihailovitch) or in Partisan Liberation Movement (1941–1945), and in Yugoslav Peoples Army. In contrast to some old fashion myths and recent misleading interpretations in scholar literature, we offered systematic, verified data on distant and recent history. We laid out that in time „Montenegrin questing“ was not considered as a „national question“, at least not before World War Two. Serbia and Montenegro had been viewed as „two Serbian Kingdoms“ even by ultimate Montenegrin monarch Nikola the 1st. Two countries and two Officer corps had close cooperation in 1878, 1912–13 and 1914–1916. Since 1914 Serbian Ministry of Finance financed not only Serbian but Montenegrin army, too. The career officers of Montenegrin origin were accepted in new Officer corps in full extent (some 550). Predominantly Serbian, new military authorities let to Montenegrins themselves to establish list for the rank and promotions. New king Alexander 1st, the grandson of Montenegrin king Nikola, did everything in his power to avoid any gesture that could offend Montenegrin sensitivity and vanity. Especially he emphasized on equal treatment of all local Montenegrin tribes (promotions, decorations, admition into the Royal Guard etc.). Poor country and warrior tradition led many of Montenegrins in military schools. But young officers took opposite sides in the national uprising in 1941. Majority sided, actually led National forces that acknowledged general Mihailovic as supreme commander, minority were communist oriented. When that war turned into civil one they became bitter rivals. In Partisan led movement several of the former officers obtained the highest posts like chief of the Staff, deputy of the Chief and several Army commanders. In the mid of the 1950s Montenegrins, now acknowledged as a „nation“ constituted almost one third of the General corps and 10.8 percent of the Officer corps. Their share steadily declined in 1970s (19.3 % Generals) and 1980s (11.1% Generals and 5.28% officers). But in the same time Montenegrins as a nation were only 2.58 percent of Yugoslav population after census.
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- Crvena armija i jugoslovenska vojska u otadžbini tokom jeseni 1944 – nesuđena saradnja
- Relations between the Red Army and Yugoslav Army in the Fatherland remained one of the most sensitive topics in Soviet and Yugoslav historiography from first such contact in Eastern Serbia, where following Mihailović’s instructions Colonel V.Piletić strived to establish communication with the Soviet command in Krajova. First documented episode of this cooperation belongs to the liberation of Kruševac. Soviet forces attacked chetniks in Trstenik, but at the same time units of Captain Raković collaborated with the 93. division of the Red Army. This cooperation was criticized by the CPY leadership through Tito’s complaints to Marshal Tolbukhin, as well as through sporadic attacks on chetniks regardless of the ceasefire. Due to the division of the Balkans agreed between Stalin and Churchill the attempts of the chetnik leaders to maintain their independence of action and rely on the support of Anglo-Americans in the Soviet zone of influence were doomed to fail.
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- DA LI SU POSTOJALE EKONOMSKE GRANICE UNUTAR JUGOSLOVENSKOG ISTORIJSKOG PROSTORA 1918 - 1941?
- The essential questional discussed in this article is whether economic borders existed within Yugoslavia between 1918 and 1941. The main aspects of the discussion are: 1. the boundaries of economic development: a) on which side of the border was Nikola Tesla, b) the boundaries of modernization on Yugoslavia's historical territory; 2. the Inner borders of the Balkans and the Yugoslav historical territory, and 3. the organization of the economy according to administrative areas (banovina), chambers, and social classes, from 1918 to 1941. Supporting the thesis that economy as such cannot, as an intermediary between Man and Nature, have limits, other than those sets by itself, the author deals, initially, with the Nikola Tesla phenomenon. This Serb from Lika, »from the Austro-Hungarian border«, who was permanently settled in New York in the last decade of the 19th Century, modernized the economy and human life on Earth with his discoveries in the field of electrotechnics, which also gave rise to new technologies. The author concludes that it is impossible to draw a boundary between the Serb Tesla and world economy, just as it is impossible to draw a boundary between world economy and the economy of Yugoslavia. The modernization and electrification of the new era did not know of borders between nations and states. Within Yugoslavia, however, it is possible to identify »borders of progress«, borders of modernization, that is, regions on the borders of which modernization came to a halt. This is viewed in the context of the general question concerning so called inner borders of the Balkan peninsula at the beginning of the 20th Century. The article presents the organization of the economy in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, according to administrative areas (banovina), chambers and social classes, wherein the author insists on the term »organization« and not »division« of the country, because the subject is the formation of the new state.