Istorija 20. veka
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Journal Istorija 20.veka (History of the 20th Century) is continually published biannually from 1983. Journal considers previously unpublished manuscripts of articles and scholarly contributions whose object is contemporary history of Serbia, former Yugoslavia and the Balkans in European and global context. Articles are expected to be interdisciplinary, based on original archival researches. Journal publishes articles that critically investigate social, cultural, economic and intellectual developments of 20th century. All received manuscripts are a subject to a double-blind external peer review process. In order to be accepted the manuscripts need to be deemed publishable by the editorial board and two anonymous reviewers. Articles are published in Serbian and English, and in other languages should the need arise.
Journal is included in SCOPUS, ERIH PLUS index (European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences), Central and Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL) and Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ). According to the categorization of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia, since 2015 it carries the category “National Journal of International Importance (M24)”. History of the 20th Century is an Open Access Journal.
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ISSN 0352-3160
eISSN 2560-3647
doi 10.29362/ist20veka
Pages
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- DALMATINSKA JAVNOST I SARAJEVSKI ATENTAT
- Assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife in Sarajevo at the end of June 1914 changed Bosnia and Herzegovina, Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and whole Europe. That occurrence make strong echo in whole Europe and especially in Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. In this paper we are trying to show echo of assassination in Sarajevo in Dalmatia – province on the south of Monarchy with strong south Slavic majority. Through Dalmatia passed remains of dead archduke and his wife Sophia. Dalmatia, as every other province in Monarchy expressed regret because of assassination in Sarajevo. But, that was just a beginning of dark period in modern Dalmatian history with a limitation of freedom, starvation and death.
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- DELOVANJE „UNUTRAŠNJEG NEPRIJATELJA“ U SRBIJI 1968–1975.
- The paper gives an overview and analysis of the activities of inner enemies in the SFRY in the early seventies as seen by the State Security Service. On the basis of a number of readily available documents, the operations of the security service were analysed against the vast opposition to the communist regime and the dissidents at the time of the strong-arm policy that came out as a reaction to the liberalist reversals during 1966-1972. On the basis of these documents it is possible to see the structure of the enemy numbers, as well as their forms and ways of acting as a carrier of resistance, as well as the repressive responses of the party and the state to these challenges. In the article, we analyse in detail the strength of the inner enemy according to type: anarcho-liberals, nationalists, Ranković followers, liberals, neo-liberals, etc. Their attempt was to create a broad opposition front against the government. In the early 1970s, records show about 20,000 political prisoners (5,000 in Belgrade alone), including some 1,500 former leaders of the Quisling administrative and military apparatus; about 500 agents of foreign intelligence services - discovered and prosecuted in the post-war years; about 2,000 returnees arrested fleeing the country in connection with hostile operations; about 8,000 returnees. There were also around 10,000 persons, most of who were presumed to be former members of various illegal post-war enemy groups and organizations. More than 500 people were discovered as writers of anti-government pamphlets and other propaganda materials; more than 1,200 hostile members of the clergy, as well as about 20,000 people who maintained connections and supported Western ideology and politics. Also, out of the total number of around 30,000 individuals who appeared in various ways as supporters of the Cominform, close to 5,000 were high-profile figures in society (party and state officials, officers and other members of the JNA, the SUP and the state apparatus). Nearly 4,000 of those who were sentenced and tried for their proCominform activities, about 70% of all suspects were in Belgrade. There were also about 3,000 emigrant returnees from the EE countries who had fled the country in the post-IB period.
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- DEMOKRATSKA STRANKA О DRŽAVNOM PREUREĐENJU KRALJEVINE JUGOSLAVIJE (1935 - 1941)
- According to many contemporaries of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and those who later studied its history, the biggest problem faced by the first state of the Yugoslav peoples was the question of its structure. The fact that this issue pushed into the background the no less serious socio-economic problem, only added to its gravity. The Democratic Party went through a market process of evolution while taking part, at the time, in the laborious debates which revolved around state and legal issues, in search of a solution to the problem of the state’s structure. Following the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, this party, together with the Radical Party, was among the most convinced advocates of a unitarianistic-centralistic structure of the state and, as such, was one of the authors of a constitution founded on these notions, the Vidovdanski ustav (1921). Only a year later, influenced by the Croats’ reluctance to accept the Constitution and by the »negative experience« gained from its application in practice, the Democrats began voicing doubts regarding the way in which the question of the state’s structure had been resolved in the Constitution. In early 1933 they suggested that the state should be restructured by dividing the country in four units - the Serbian, Croat, Slovenian and transitional, Bosnian-Hercegovian. True to their conviction that the existence of a state of the Yugoslav peoples is necessary and unwilling to give up the idea of Yugoslavia, they wished to avoid both a trilateral division and the creation of sharp distinctions between the Serbs and Croats. Following the Cvetković-Maček Agreement, they accepted the trilateral division but demanded that all territories outside the Slovenian and Croatian regional units form a part of the Serbian unit. Throughout the evolution of their views regarding state and legal issues, the Democrats preserved certain basic principles - the conviction that the existence of a common state of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenians is historically justified, the assertion that Serbs, Croats and Slovenians are, if not one, then certainly the closest peoples mutually, the belief that a state can continue to exist only if its national and regional parts are united by solidarity and if they are ready to accept, along with partial interests, the interest of the state as a whole . . .
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- DENACIONALIZACIJA, ISELJAVANJE I GENOCID NA BALKANU U TOKU DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA
- This supplement gives in a concise form, based on the data obtained from primary sources and abundant literature, all aspects and forms of the denationalization and genocide measures which were exercised by the enemy and domestic quislings during World War II against discriminated individuals as well as peoples in the south-east of Europe, firstly towards Jews, Serbs, Slovenes and Gypsies. The first chapter deals with the initial phase of the war, in the south-east also known as the arbitrage period in which the Axis powers, Germany and Italy, acting as judges, used the quarrels between Hungary and Rumania over the mixed inhabited Transylvania, to strengthen their influence in these two countries. The second chapter is dealing with various forms of forced emigration or rough turning out of homes of entire nationalities into other regions and countries. This system of racial purification of certain countries or regions was most roughly and massively applied in parts of Yugoslavia, especially towards Slovenes and Serbs. Stated facts bring on the conclusion that the major part of the Yugoslav citizens were, for a longer or shorter period, driven off or simply thrown out of their homes.The third chapter deals with document verified data that the German citizens also had to abandon their homesteads in especially large numbers towards the end of the war. Before the retreat of the German army in 1944, Volksdeutschers had to leave their homes and start the exodus towards the Reich. The fourth chapter is dealing with long-term measures of denationalization of certain nations: in the field of culture and education - no use of mother tongue or alphabet allowed; national schools closed down; all forms of cultural life hindered or forbidden, while the enemy's culture is forced upon the people; all forms of national tradition destroyed or erased etc; in the field of economy - confiscation of personal property; certain professions not allowed; in the field of religion - converting into the other nation's religion, as during the ,,NDH” (Independent State of Croatia) when the orthodox were converted into Roman Catholics, etc. This chapter also describes the system of race checks and administrative transferring of individuals and parts of the population into another, „higher" nation, as was done in parts of Slovenia which were included in the Reich.
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- DER TRANSIT JÜDISCHER MIGRANTEN DURCH JUGOSLAWIEN NACH PALÄSTINA UND ISRAEL (1933–1952) DER FALL ERNEST UND ILSA ESCHINSKY
- This paper deals with the continuity between the illegal influx of Jewish refugees into the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the organized emigration of Yugoslav Jews to Israel, which took place between 1948 and 1952. For it to be possible to directly point out the connection between two separate stages of Yugoslav state participation in the migration process, the interwar period migration to Palestine and the mass migration movement of the post-war period were deconstructed to the level of individuals taking part in it. The case of Ernest and Ilsa Beschinsky was examined, as they are the only refugees whose movement can be traced in relative detail from the moment of arrival in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, consequent to the “Anschluss” of Austria to the time of applying for the organized emigration to Israel. The paper is based on documents held in the Archives of the Jewish historical museum in Belgrade.
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- DESANKA PEŠlĆ, JUGOSLOVENSKI KOMUNISTI I NACIONALNO PITANJE 1919-1935, BEOGRAD 1983, 290 STR.
- Studija о kojoj večeras raspravljamo nije istoriografska u onom klasičnom značenju da istraživač traži objašnjenja konteksta ideja i njihovih nosilaca iscrpnom analizom arhivsko-empiričke dokumentacije. Pre bismo rekli da autor zasniva istoriju ideja praćenjem nastanka, razvoja i sudbine pojedinačnih ideja koje su opredeljivale odnos između partijske opozicije i „levice”, odnosno vrhovne arbitraže u licu Kominterne, naročito od 1924, dajući time prilog i teoriji о nacionalnom pitanju.
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- DEVET PROJEKATA UGOVORA О JUGOSLOVENSKO-BUGARSKOM SAVEZU I FEDERACIJI (1944 - 1947)
- Poznato je da su balkanski socijalisti, a kasnije komunisti, budućnost balkanskih naroda videli u stvaranju balkanske federacije. Ove ideje oživele su u toku drugog svetskog rata. Tada su i jugoslovenska i grčka vlada u izbeglištvu planirale, preduzimale i konkretne korake za stvaranje balkanske unije, pa je potpisan i ugovor о jugoslovensko-grčkoj uniji. Ovo je bilo usklađeno s politikom britanske vlade, koja je i sama predviđala stvaranje balkanske federacije, u čijem okviru bi bilo rešeno i makedonsko i albansko pitanje. Britanska diplomatija je strogo vodila računa da to ne bude federacija balkanskih slovenskih država, već da u nju obavezno uđu Grčka, Turska i Albanija, koje bi predstavljale protivtežu slovenskom elementu i garant vođenja računa о britanskim interesima, jer se plašila da bi u suprotnom Jugoslavija i Bugarska mogle da padnu pod sovjetski uticaj i takva federacija postane instrument sovjetske politike na Balkanu, a time i na širem području istočnog Mediterana.
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- DISPUTES OVER THE AUTONOMY OF VOJVODINA FROM THE CREATION TO THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA
- The so-called anti-bureaucratic revolution in Vojvodina in 1988 was usually seen as an introduction to the breakup of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, and in fact represented the end of decades-long disputes over Vojvodina’s autonomy. The aim of this paper is to present to the scientific public the genesis and course of the disputes over the autonomy of Vojvodina, which ended in the wake of the breakup of Yugoslavia. This synthesized work is the result of years of research in the Novi Sad and Belgrade archives and literature mostly written by contemporary witnesses.
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- DOKTRINA SPOLJNE POLITIKE ITALIJE U JAVNIM ISTUPIMA BENITA MUSOLINIJA
- Benito Mussolini, the leader of the Italian Fascists and, as of 1922, the country’s prime minister, formulated the foreign policy doctrine of Italy in his public speeches during the early twenties. Founding his assertions on the tradition of the ancient Roman Empire, Mussolini supported the idea of creating a new, fascist empire. In his speeches he advocated the cultural, economic and territorial expansion of Italy towards the region of the Mediterranean, Africa and Asia, depending on the course of actual historical events. He regarded the Balkans and Yugoslavia as belonging to the east-Mediterranean. His intention was to expand Italian interests in that region through economic domination but he also advocated territorial conquests. In the beginning of the thirties, Mussolini and his followers lent special attention to Africa as a part of the future empire. Aware of historical circumstances, Mussolini encouraged economic and cultural expansion and made military preparations for the conquest of Ethiopia, which followed in 1935/36. Having thus accomplished his intentions regarding Africa, he then turned to southeast Europe. In the second half of the thirties, he insisted on economic expansion into this region and, in 1939, marked it as part of the future Italian empire.
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- DOKTRINA „NARODNO DEMOKRATSKE” DRŽAVE
- The doctrine of a „people’s-democratic” state developed as an ideological rationalization as the instrumental policy of social democratic and communist parties, i.e. as the strategy and tactics of their struggle for power. It's founder can be considered to he Lasalle and its most eminent representatives V. I. Lenin, Mao Tsetuing, Georgi Dimitrov, Matijaš Rakoši, Boleslav Bjerut and other communist leaders in East European countries, while in Yugoslavia a special contribution to its elaboration was made by Moša Pijade and Edvard Kardelj. The basic element of this doctrine comprises the tactics of linking „peasant and national questions with the class struggle of the proletariat”, and in accordance with this the unification of the political interests of peasants, workers and „progressive intellectuals”. Thus slogans about a „united front”, a „people’s front” and an „anti-imperialistic front” arose. The people’s democratic state was always defined as a „transitional and mixed” form of state which had to fill the historical space between a victorious „general people’s revolution” and a future socialist state, i.e. the dictatorship of the proletariat. The legitimacy of the „leading role” of the communist party in the political system of a people's democracy was derived from the political formula of the „general people’s” and ,,general national” character of the communist party which there forehead to be the „leader” of the people’s-democratic revolution. The conception of people’s democracy did not attempt to tackle the question of domination in the political sphere of society, because neither in the theoretical sense, and still less in the practical, did it contribute to the differentiation of the political structure or the secularization of political culture. In this lies the basis of its historical limitations.
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- DOKUMENTA JUGOSLOVENSKOG NARODNOG ODBORA О REŽIMU U JUGOSLAVIJI 1945 - 1946. GODINE
- Jugoslovensku političku situaciju neposredno posle rata sačinjavao je konglomerat poraženih političkih i vojnih struktura koji su se na dan oslobođenja milom ili silom našli van granica oslobođene i teritorijalno obnovljene zemlje. Tu su pre svega kralj, zatim predstavnici gotovo svih predratnih političkih partija, članovi koncentracione vlade od 27. marta 1941, ambasadori, činovnici i službenici raznih organa.
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- DOPRINOS SRPSKOG I CRNOGORSKOG NARODA POBJEDI NAD FAŠIZMOM
- The Serbian and Montenegrin people had a substantial part in the victory over fascism. Their mass participation and fighting in the Yugoslav war of liberation prevented the powers of the Axis from carrying out operational and strategic plans to create a peaceful base of the Balkans, from which attacks would be directed towards the Mediterranean region, the Middle East and the eastern front. At a time when Nezavisna Država Hrvatska joined the fight against the Soviet Union and declared war against England and the United States of America, German and Italian commands were forced to transfer additional troops from Albania, Greece, France and the eastern front in order to quench the uprisings in Serbia and Montenegro, and prevent the opening of a new war zone in the Balkans. During the four years of war, from 1941 to 1945, the Yugoslav Army of Liberation was formed, primarily made up of soldiers from Serbian regions (Serbia, Montenegro, Lika, Kordun, Banija, Bosanska Krajina, Herzegovina, Slavonija). This army held 30 to 55 fascist divisions bound in battle and caused them great human and material losses.