Istorijski časopis
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Историјски часопис, званично гласило Историјског института, излази од 1948. године. Објављује оригиналне научне радове на српском и другим језицима. Примењује систем „слепих“ рецензија два рецензента. Тематски оквир часописа обухвата економску, друштвену, политичку и културну историју српског народа, као и његове везе са јужнословенским и осталим балканским народима, и истовремено унапређује све гране историјске науке. Хронолошки оквир је омеђен на период од средњег века до почетка 20. века, односно до 1918. године и стварања Краљевине СХС.
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ISSN: 0350-0802
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- Српска школа у Вишеграду (1865-1875)
- The Serb elementary school was opened in Višegrad in mid-1860s, the first one in the city in Turkish times. The school was opened by the Višegrad people-church municipality, with the aid of Prince Mihailo and the Serbian government. The land for the school was provided by Nikola Hadži Selaković, retired judge from Belgrade, but whose family was from Višegrad. From the very opening, the school encountered difficulties from the local Turkish authorities, even though it had legal permit to work. Similar difficulties were encountered by other Serb municipalities in Bosnia and Herzegovina that wished to establish schools. The position of Serb schools was closely related to the position of the Serb Church in Turkey, which did not have its own church organization at the time, as did the Greek, and, a bit later, Bulgarian Churches (1870). From mid-1860s, the Turkish state tried to increase its control over Christians’ elementary schools, even though they were not financed by it, like the Muslim religious schools. The school worked until the start of the 1875 uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper traces the influence of the priests and monasteries on the development of education in the Višegrad area, especially the aid given by Serbia. It lists teachers who worked there. It tries to establish which textbooks were used in teaching, and what was the general education level before the uprising. Almost all the textbooks were provided free of charge by the Ministry of Education of the Princedom of Serbia. Even though the school was intended to be secular, political circumstances towards the end of the Turkish rule influenced that the Višegrad, just like other schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina, remained very much influenced by the Church, making it in essence closer to church and monastery schools from the previous decades of the Turkish rule.
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- Српски градови и тргови у угарској грађи из времена „Дуге војне“ (1443–1444)
- This paper discusses the data on the cities, towns and market places at the territory of present day Serbia, which are preserved in the Hungarian documentary sources from the time of the “Long campaign”(1443–1444). Some of the cities were mentioned in the reports from the battlefield (like Belgrade and Niš), but the most of settlements were recorded as the places of issuing of charters and letters of King Wladislas I Jagiello, Voivode John Hunyadi and Cardinal Julian Cesarini (Belgrade, Bo/l/van, Niš, Pirot,Prokuplje, Kruševac). Although many of these data has been used in historiography for a long time, there are also some which have not been known, and some toponyms are incorrectly identified. Thus it was not known that the king of Hungary issued charters in Nekudim near Smedrevska Palanka and Žabar near Topola in January 1444. Nekudim was one of the residencies of the Serbian despots, and Žabar was also mentioned as the market place in the first Ottoman census book (defter) of the Smeredevo sancak in 1476/1477. In some historiographical works concerning the “Long campaign” it was wrongly considered that the king’s charter from Nekudim was issued in Jagodina in the Morava valley. Also, the author expressed his doubts that the toponym Szanock, recorded as the place of publication of one Polish charter of King Wladislas, refers to the village Šavac (medieval Šavče) in the valley of the Velika Morava, either to the village Šanac on the Zapadna Morava next to Kruševac, or any other place in Serbia. It is more likely that the document was issued by the royal chancery in the city of Sanok in Poland. New data concerning the charters of King Wladislas I issued in or near Belgrade, Niš and Kruševac, and which have not been known in the Serbian historiography, are also presented. At the same time, the author tried to correct some inaccuracies in the earlier literature related to certain events (for example, the analyses of the sources shows that the Hunyadi’s battle with the Ottomans from November 3, 1443, was nоt fought near the village Aleksinac, but took place in the vicinity of the city of Niš). The new data from the Hungarian documentary sources makes it possible to determine more accurately the direction and time of movement of the Crusader army at certain road sections in Serbia, both in its progression in the fall and early winter of 1443, and during its retreat in January 1444. This source material, though scarce, improves our knowledge of the Serbian cities, towns and market places in the late Middle Ages and of the network of medieval roads in the territory of Serbia. Also, considering the nomenclature of settlements used in the Hungarian sources of this period, the author tried to point out how the crusade leaders saw and perceived Serbian urban settlements through which they passed.
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- Српски гробови у цркви Свете Параскеве у истанбулском кварту Хаској
- In the churchyard of St. Paraskeva in the Haskoy quarter of Istanbul, high-ranking officials of the Principality of Serbia were buried: Avram Petronijević, Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lazar Teodorović, kapukethüda of Serbia at the Porte and Samuilo Jakovljević, a member of the Serbian deputation from the third decade of the 19th century. Regulation of the cemetery, a significant sign of the Serbian presence in Constantinople, began Avram Petronijević in 1839 when gravestones were set for Archimandrite Samuilo Jakovljević and Bishop Gerasimo Domino in Greek. During 1842 in the cemetery were buried Mara and Jelena Radišić, wife and daughter of Vukašin Radišić, the Secretary of the Serbian Agency in Constantinople, in 1844 Anka Teodorović and Savka were buried, daughter and sister-in-law of kapukethüda Lazar Teodorović, then Lazar Teodorović in 1846 and finally Avram Petronijević in 1852. In addition to the above, in the churchyard, gravestone epitaphs are found in other languages that are not discussed in this paper. Church of St. Paraskeva is now under the jurisdiction of the Romanian Orthodox Church. The task of the Institute for Protection of Cultural Monuments of the Republic of Serbia and other relevant institutions has now been to preserve and adequately mark the Serbian graves in Constantinople.
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- Српски успон на Балкану према белешкама италијанских дипломатских представника и војника (1875–1903)
- The paper focuses on the political and military history of Serbia from the Bosnian Uprising of 1875 to the assassination of Aleksandar Obrenović in 1903 according to Italian diplomats and military personnel. From the last decades of the 19th century, the Balkans became a region of particular political interest for Italy. The primary interest of the “young” Italian government was to maintain friendly relations with the Great Powers in order to fortify its position in the international arena and to participate with other European countries in the division of spheres of influence. At the same time, Italy was for the Balkan political élites a model and an example for their national unification. In this period, due to its contradictory role for the unification of the Yugoslav area, Serbia began to be considered the “Piedmont of the Balkans”, a definition that the Italian consuls in Belgrade used since the periodof Cavour. Italian diplomats and officers in the main capital cities of Europe followed the political life in Serbia and the military rising of the country: its intervention in support of the Bosnian Uprising of 1875–76 that saw a remarkable participation of Italian volunteers; the incessant reorganization of the Serbian military forces; the Serbian defeat in the Serbo-Bulgarian War of 1885; the Serbian political events on the eve of the assassination of the last monarch of the Obrenović Dynasty. Some Italian diplomats and officers were directly involved in the Serbian political and military events, such as Luigi Joannini Ceva di S. Michele, Consul in Belgrade in 1877; Major Attilio Velini in 1879 as a member of the international commission for the delimitation of the new borders of Serbia after the annexation of Niš, Vranje and Pirot established at the Congress of Berlin; or Lieutenant Colonel Alberto Cerruti, military attaché in Vienna and president of the international military commission for the armistice between Serbia and Bulgaria in December 1885. All of them were witnesses of the Serbian political and military rising in the Balkans and of its struggle against the supranational empires. Through their reports sent to the Italian government and General Staff in Rome, it is possible to analyze the political, military and territorial issues that troubled the Balkans at the end of the 19th century and to understand the interest of the Italian foreign policy towards the region.
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- Српско-црногорски односи и питање устанка у Турској с посебним освртом на извештаје Николе Јовановића Окана (1860-1866)
- The work is first part of the paper about Serbian-Montenegrin relations during the preparation of the uprising in the Balkan Christians during the second government of Prince Michael and regency. The paper discusses the relationship between Serbia and Montenegro in the first half of the sixties of the nineteenth century. At the beginning of the reign of Prince Michael the preparation of the uprising was the task of the Serbian- Bosnian Committee (1860-1861), which was established at the end of the government of Prince Miloš. For operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina merchant Nikola Jovanovic Okan was in charge of the committee. He moved from Sarajevo to Belgrade after the suppression of the uprising in Bosnia in 1858. At the end of the 1862 after the defeat of Montenegro in the war with Turkey, he stayed in Cetinje and talked with Prince Nicholas. He subsequently submitted a detailed report to governor Jovan Ristić, which, along with other documents, complets the idea of the contentious issues in relations between Serbia and Montenegro before, during and after the Montenegrin-Turkish War in 1862. In connection with this it is reviewed if the dynasty Petrović in late 50`s and in the first half of the 60`s sought creation of a joint state with Serbia, or only the liberation and expansion of borders of existing state. This raises the question of national feelings of Montenegrins, which will more fully be discussed in the second part. By dissolution of the Serbian-Bosnian Board (May 1861) Prince Michael approached the building of a new strategy of liberation. In the new plan devised by the Prince Mihailo in collaboration with Ilija Garasanin (and ideas presented in Načertanije) the focus was placed on cooperation with the Balkan peoples and states, which like the Principality of Serbia sought total liberation and unification. During the first half of the sixties Turkey seeks to separate Montenegro from Serbia, offering a series of concessions in relation to the peace treaty of September 1862. On the other hand, Turkey is trying to surround Serbia and remove Prince Michael from the throne. Recognizing the difficult economic situation in Montenegro, and great pressure that Turkey exerted on it, Serbia was trying to maintain good relations with Cetinje, giving occasional material assistance.
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- Становништво и насеља нахије Петрус у 16. веку
- The area, to which medieval and Ottoman historical records refer as Petrus or Petruš, in its widest scope encompassed the upper valley of the Velika Morava River. After the Ottoman conquest and the establishment of new territorial- administrative organization, the vast majority of its population still represented the Christian Serbs (99.5%) belonging to two social groups - re‘âya and eflâk(vlachs). Populations of different status were not living in the distinct areas although re‘âyasettlements and those populated by vlachs were listed in various census books, depending on the revenues collected from their settlers and the services they performed. Vlach villages were administered by knezs. In 1528, in the Petrusnâhiye, two knezs were recorded – Husein and Radonja, under whose jurisdiction were 13 primićurs. All settlements had the status of the village. Paraćin that was listed as a village was also a market- place with a village fair. Comparing the data from five cadastral surveys of the Sandjak of Kruševac, it is apparent that the total population with the status of re‘âya significantly reduced during the 16 th century. This decrease may be the consequence of migrations to areas with more favorable tax system. Besides Ottoman conquests and emigration to newly conquered territories, the plague epidemics also influenced depopulation in some nâhiyes of the Sandjak of Kruševac. In contrast to the demographic decline recorded in some parts of Central Serbia, for the rest of the Balkans, as for the Europe as a whole, the 16th century was the time of tremendous population growth. One of the reasons for these different demographic phenomena may be the change of the status of larger population group, such as vlachs. In addition, the explanation can be also found in the change of the tax and census practice in a particular territory indicated by fluctuation of the percentage of mücerredin the total adult male population. Thus, the change in the age limit for registration in the tax census books could substantially increase revenues from certain taxes, or, on the other hand, create favorable tax conditions in order to populate some territories or prevent their depopulation. All above-mentioned issues can be resolved only trough further research that would cover a wider area and a large number of different types of census books.
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- Стојан Новаковић о Берлинском конгресу
- Stojan Novaković adhered to his interpretations of the Congress of Berlin and the future of Serbia and Serbian people, until the beginning of the First World War. In some speeches in the Assembly, on the eve of the Balkan wars, as well as in some of his articles, he, daringly looking ahead and full of youthful zeal, explained his visions and defended his convictions about the future of Serbia and the Serbian people. It could be concluded all he wanted was to free Serbia from the damnation of the Congress of Berlin. He was turned to the future, but constantly looking in the past decades. He was still aware of the Golgotha of Serbia and the Serbian people from 1875, but he considered it an unavoidable experience and, at the first place, a serious warning. Liberation and unification of the Serbian people seemed to be finished, but it came out in a different way. Congress primarily fulfilled aspirations of the great powers, while Serbia had the worst possible times. Although Serbs thought only of revision of the Congress of Berlin, to correct the injustice, it came out that in 1908, they were the farthest from it than ever. The Great Powers solved the Bosnian question on the account of the Serbs. Annexation refuted all hopes that the powers could change. Novaković wrote these words on one occasion in 1908: ìIf anyone knew what awaited Serbs after the war for liberation 1876- 1878, they would never have started the uprisings in Bosnia in 1875, and a war with Turkey in 1876. Such a feeling only strengthened their conviction that another forms of solution of Serbian question should be sought. It was supported by more and more frequent voices saying that Austria-Hungary was to hold strongly spheres of the interest in the Western part of the Balkans and that the powers would not allow Serbia, nor any other Balkan state to widen its territories on the account of a possible dissolution of Turkey. Moreover, ItalianTurkish war of 1911 showed that the division of Turkey was to be completed excluding the Balkan states. It was on that very occasion when he addressed the National Assembly and spoke in favor of the Balkan Union, and thus solving of the Eastern question, and include a considerable part of the Serbian people into the Serbian state. On the eve of the Balkan war, in October 1912, Novaković would from the Assemblyís speakersí platform show the belief that the new alliance will take Serbia and the Serbian people to the ìbetter futureì. He was deeply convinced that it would correct a great injustice made by the Congress of Berlin to Serbia and the Serbian people.
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- Стојан Новаковић о утицајима на српски језик и књижевност
- In his long scholarly career, while addressing a variety of themes from the past of the Serbian people, Stojan Novakovic never lost interest in the subjects of language, script, literature, religion and education. His interest in language goes back to his days as a lycée student, when he became one of the most talented pupils and collaborators of Djura Daničić. Novaković was particularly interested in the different external influences exerted on the Serbian language, literature and education and the consequences that this entailed for the Balkan Slav peoples. He wrote on this topic in a number of his works that he published as of the 1860’s, presenting facts attesting to prolonged manifest Byzantine influences, followed by Italian and then Turko-Arabic influences, to be ultimately supplanted by contemporary European ones. Novaković continued to work on issues of Serbian lanuage, literature and education, but with certain interruptions and in his later years, studying them individually rather than in an integrated and comprehensive manner, however. Unity could be achieved only through an “identity of religions” and there had been none of that ever since the Middle Ages. Therefore, Novaković’s message to the coming generations was that mistakes from the past should be well grasped in order to be avoided in the future. And, that it was necessary to turn to the future in which the positive examples of “great peoples and great civilizations” were to be followed.
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- Странкиње - „Српске снахе“ у 19. и почетком 20. века
- Due to poor social mobility, in the 19th and early 20th century, in Serbia matrimonial bonds were as a rule forged with persons from the immediate milieu. In Serbian rural society establishing matrimonial bonds with persons of a different language, culture and religion was considered socially unacceptable. The few foreign ladies who had come to Serbia having married Serbs were primarily the wives of young men who had studied abroad. They would be socially accepted when they demonstrated a desire and readiness to adapt to the new milieu, adopting its language, habits and customs. Serbian society was disinterested in their potential role as vectors of ideas and of the way of life typical of their original communities and regarded all such attempts with suspicion. Apart from that, the number of foreign ladies who lived in Serbia was too small for them to be actually able to exert any significant influence on social life. Only few of them had consciously opted to work to bring two cultures closer together and familiarized with one another. Although the small circle of the educated public emphasized the importance of such work, Serbian society was still not able to grasp the importance of mediation between different cultures, and thereby not able to make use of the links that foreign women in Serbia were maintaining with their original communities either.
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- Судски процес против двојице Mартолоса 1477. Године
- Radivoj Raduković, from Cernica (near Gacko), and his servant, Obrad Dobranović, from Rudine, were arrested and brought before the Kotor court. They were accused of trying to take to Cernica one of the daughters of Radič Mladenović from the village of Strp, and hand her over to a sub-pasha Skender. On the other hand, a Jurašin Mladenović from Perast also complained about Radivoj, stating that he took part in his arrest and handing over to the aforementioned Skender. However, the investigation established, through the statements of witnesses and the accused, that Radič's daughter willingly accepted to go to the Cernica sub-pasha, so that he free her father from captivity, while Jurašin admitted that Radivoj did not take part in his arrest and handing over. Therefore, the court decided that the arrested Radivoj and Obrad be freed, after 44 days spent in the solitary confinement (between 10 July and 23 August 1477).
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- Тактикон Успенског и тема Далмација
- The long-standing view that Uspenski’s Taktikon was written in 842/843 or 845/856 has been subjected to a detailed analysis in this paper. As the dating of Uspenski’s Taktikon is critical for dating the theme of Dalmatia, these two issues have been addressed in the same paper. The key arguments pointing to an earlier date of Uspenski’s Taktikon are the following: 1. the difference between the theme of Klimata and the theme of Herson; 2. Absence of the theme of Strymon in Uspenski’s Taktikon; 3. the very title of Uspenski’s Taktikon where Theodora is mentioned with an epithet of saint. 1. The postulate that the theme of Klimata and the theme of Herson is the same thing can no longer be upheld. Two seals of unknown officials who worked in Klimata, or in, “Five Klimatas” dated to the 9th century, indicate that before establishing the Theme of Herson there had existed the administrative unit of Klimata which later became the theme of Herson. The oldest preserved seals of the strategos of Herson date back to the 70s of the 9th century. The testimony of Porphyrogenitus in DAI on the establishment of the theme of Herson refers to the town only, while in De them. he says that previously Herson was not a theme, but was governed from the Bosphorus together with the regions. It should also be noted that the theme of Dalmatia is always before the theme of Herson in all preserved taktikons, which in certain sense determines the chronological order of their establishment - Dalmatia is older than Herson. According to the report of Theophanes dated 808/809, there had been the theme of Strymon that disappeared under the onslaught of Krum’s Bulgarians by 812 at the latest. The seal of Leo, imperial spatharos and strategos of Strymon, that has definitely been dated to the time before mid-9th century leads to the conclusion that Strymon should have been mentioned in Uspenski’s Taktikon, had it been established during the time of Michael III and Theodora. Since a 30-year peace was agreed with the Bulgarians in 814, it is quite certain that the region of Strymon could be reestablished as theme in one of the following years. In secular sources, Theodora has never been mentioned with the epithet of saint. Thus, in the Synaxar of the Church of Constantinople, she is only orthodox, but not saint. The first appearance of the epithet saint with her name was in the title of her hagiography pieced together immediately after her death. This leads us to conclude that the title of Uspenski’s Taktikon was most likely added after her death. It is assumed that the transcriber from the 12th/13th century found in the title only the name of Michael, the orthodox tsar, whom he thought to be Michael III, since both Michael I and Michael III were orthodox tsars, and Michael III was far more famous than his predecessor of the same name. Thus, the transcriber changed Michael I into Michael III and added the name of his saint mother Theodora. Had the transcriber intended to make the title more formal, since the Byzantine tsar had become saint by coronation, he would also have had to call Tsar Michael saint, and not only his mother. Latin sources, above all Einhard and John Deacon, describing the situation in Dalmatia from 806 to 810, lead us to think that Dalmatia was archontia, since there was dux in Zadar (Jadera). Einhard mentions the prefect of the province in Zadar in 821, which speaks of a different administrative organisation. An analogy can be found in the prefect of Cephalonia who is known to have been a strategos as of late 8th century, and who is mentioned as a prefect in the same source. The chronology of events would be the following – in accordance with the Peace of Aachen, the arhontia of Dalmatia was restored in 812, and in 817, after the demarcation with the Slavs, Byzantium promoted Dalmatia into a theme. According to the report of the Saxon Gottschalk, 846-848, it is clear that Dalmatia was a theme. The seal of the strategos of Dalmatia, Bryennios, that was dated to the 40s of the 9th century by Schlubmerger, and which was disputed by Ferluga, was later on supported by Oikonomides. In addition to the said crucial arguments, there is a series of details pointing to the necessity to review the existing dating of Uspenski’s Taktikon. It may be concluded that after the Peace of Aachen, i.e. after June 812, the Byzantines drew up a Taktikon which reflected the new state of affairs. However, all these changes did not happen during the rule of Michael I, but Nicephor I, whose untimely death prevented him from realising his plan of broad administrative changes throughout the empire. The changes included: 1) the abolishment of the theme of Strymon; 2) the establishment of the theme of Dyrrachion, 3) the establishment of the theme of Chaldia (around 811); 4) the reestablishment of the archontia of Dalmatia, 5) the creation of the theme of Creta (before 811). 6) the establishment of the theme of Klimata.
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- Тајни мемоар Александра Каратеодори-паше са Берлинског конгреса
- The work brings the analysis of the report of the chief Ottoman representative on the Congress of Berlin 1878. The report was written in French, but it was also published in Ottoman Turkish as a chapter of Mahmud Celaleddin`s book Mirat-ı Hakikat that is used in this work. The secret report of Alexander Karatheodori Pasha as a whole has never been used in the Serbian historiography. It is only Grgur Jakšić who dealt with this source in French, but only with its part concerning Bosnia and Herzegovina on the Congress of Berlin. The author of this contribution tried to look at the report as an important source both for the Congress itself, but also as a source that lightens the main characteristics of the Ottoman diplomacy and its impact on the international affairs. The secret report is an interesting and authentic historical source that gives a live picture and atmosphere of the sessions of the Congress and its main participants.