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Историјски часопис, званично гласило Историјског института, излази од 1948. године. Објављује оригиналне научне радове на српском и другим језицима. Примењује систем „слепих“ рецензија два рецензента. Тематски оквир часописа обухвата економску, друштвену, политичку и културну историју српског народа, као и његове везе са јужнословенским и осталим балканским народима, и истовремено унапређује све гране историјске науке. Хронолошки оквир је омеђен на период од средњег века до почетка 20. века, односно до 1918. године и стварања Краљевине СХС.
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Физичко-антрополошка анализа скелета из аварске некрополе са локалитета Старчево Ливаде
Физичко-антрополошка анализа скелета из аварске некрополе са локалитета Старчево Ливаде
The anthropological examination of the twelve tombs was conducted. Fifteen tombs were discovered in the area of the earlier-dated necropolis. According to the material found in the tombs, the necropolis was dated in the end of the VIIth and in the VIIIth century, the period marked by the later stage of the Avar domination. The two necropolises were explored which included 19 tombs, during the excavation for archaeological and protection purposes in the area «Livade» of the territory of the village Starčevo in 1984. The site „Livade“ in Starčevo was archaeologically processed only to a certain extent. Only a smaller part of the necropolis was discovered, and consequently, the results of the anthropological analysis are to be handled prudently, due to the lesser statistical significance they offer. The population from the Starčevo necropolis represented too minor a specimen anthropologically speaking, regarding the scale of this examination, to allow the more specific conclusions. More significant and complete information on the population that inhabited this region of Banat might be collected by means of the further examination of this necropolis, which would also allow the possibility of comparison and the more detailed insight into the bio-anthropological processes that have occurred.
Фрагменти из живота херцега Влатка Косаче
Фрагменти из живота херцега Влатка Косаче
After his father's death (in 1466), Herceg Vlatko spent most of his time in Herceg Novi, were he married for the second time, with the granddaughter of the Aragon King Alfonse V, Margarita Marzano (in 1474), and started a family. Together with his son-in-law, Ivan Crnojević, and with Dubrovnik's financial aid, he erected the church of St. Stephen. For the reasons that we do not know, this church was destroyed at the end of September 1475. He did not forget his nobles, the Kostanjić brothers, to whom Herceg Vlatko confirmed (in August 1475) the village of Drvenik with Perun, and admitted them into «the faith of the nobles» as long as they respect their obligations according to the Charter. In the late 1481, after he surrendered a part of the Herceg Novi fort by the sea to Turks, Herceg Vlatko, following some marital discord, left his «residence » in Novi, and until 1486 lived in the part of the Hum lands previously inhabited by the Kosačas and Vlatkovićs. Then he suddenly moved across the Cetina river into Poljice, and found himself in the Venetian territory, where, along with settling the payment of some old debts with Nikola Kamenarić from Šibenik, he spent some gloomy days in the Poljice Župa. Due to indecent behavior of some members of his entourage, Herceg Vlatko was «sent off» from there by the Split Providur, Fantono Coppio. Thus, the last Herceg after St. Sava, facing numerous problems in life, found himself in the island of Rab, which is still witnessed by the name of the Cape Kosača, and, enjoying hospitality of the local Crnota nobles, finally died there. He was survived by his widow Margarita, who soon found herself «in the marital embrace» of the well known Venice captain Marco Loredan, and several male and female children, of whom the youngest son, Jovan, was most likely, after reaching maturity, in 1505, enlisted into the Venice High Council, and continued to live in Venice.
Функционисање парламентарног система у Краљевини Србији од 1889. до 1892. године
Функционисање парламентарног система у Краљевини Србији од 1889. до 1892. године
The constitutional reform of 1888 had a strong impact on Serbia’s political and constitutional life. The multiannual struggle of the People’s Radical Party culminated in passing of the constitution by the principle of majority. The position of the Radical Party was changed from the ground as it came to power and made its own cadre consisting of young intellectuals. The analysis of the overall work of the radical government from 1889 to 1892 indicates that the radicals on the one hand made great effort to introduce the constitution into the political life of Serbia, and on the other to limit the ruler’s power. However, it should not be forgotten that the parliamentary regime on which so many radicals insisted was gradually turning into a totalitarian one-party system. The parliamentary system that enabled the absolute power of the Radical Party in all state institutions was short­-lived. King Alexander had an immense wish to bring an end, as soon as possible, to all new things introduced by the parliamentary system, which is why he was constantly fighting with the political parties and very frequently insisted on a coup.
Херцеговачки митрополити 1766-1878.
Херцеговачки митрополити 1766-1878.
Following the abolishment of the autocephaly of the Peć Patriarchate, there were changes in the Herzegovina Metropolitan. Instead of the Serb bishops, it was headed by Metropolitans named by the Great Church in Istanbul, in a long time period, until 1888. There were no Serbs among ten Metropolitans at the time. There were seven Greeks, and three Bulgarians. It was possible to follow lives of some of them, based on less known, or hitherto unpublished sources, and even after they have left the Herzegovina Metropolitan. They fulfilled their spiritual mission in often difficult circumstances, for both Christians and Muslims in the area often rebelled, the former ones to free themselves of the Ottoman rule, and the latter, to prevent any reforms that would lead to strengthening of the role of central authorities, or introduction of European influences. That is why some Metropolitans were frequently arrested, and later released for ransom, while believers criticized them for not supporting enough their striving for freedom. There were also some among them, who did not abstain from illegally demanding money from their priests and believers, for the Eparchy and themselves were in increasing debts. However, this cannot be generalized for all Metropolitans, as sometimes occurred in Serb historiography. Following the change of geopolitical situation and the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary in 1878, the conditions of the functioning of the Orthodox Church were changed significantly.
Црква у Радошићима
Црква у Радошићима
In the Radošić village, around 7 km north-east from Raška, there is the church of St Petka. There are no historical data about the time of creation and ktetor of the temple. The village is mentioned only in the censuses of the Zvornik sanjak of 1519 and 1533. In 1905, R. Ilić noted brief data about the church remnants.The temple is a single-nave structure, of the rectangular basis with a semi circular apse of 11.45 х 6.45 m. Two pairs of pilasters, leaning on the northern and southern wall, divided the church into three uneven traves, of which the eastern was the smallest. The altar area contained niches for the prothesis and diaconicon, while the central part of the apse, above the synthronon, contained the niche for the “upper room”. A narthex of 6.85 х 6 m was added later to the western side of the church. Three skeletons were found during the archaeological research of 1997– among others, within probe 9, the ktetor tomb of the 14th century was explored in the north-western part of the church.
Црква у Шумнику, нови поглед на датовање
Црква у Шумнику, нови поглед на датовање
The church in Šumnik, dedicated to St. Nicolas, is situated near Raška and was once a part of Brvenik župa, although it was not mentioned in the famous document on the exchange of the property. The church was a rectangular building with semi-circular apse, dim. 11,4 m х 6,6 m. The space was divided into three unequal aisles. The smallest was the eastern one, with semi-circular niches for prothesis and diaconicon, and with one niche in the centre of the apse. The church had barrel vault with two supporting arches, placed on pilasters, with the dome placed in the centre related to the total length of the building. The local stone was used for building – yellowish sandstone, dripstone and violet dacite-andesite, with occasional secondary use of sepulchral monuments. The outer walls were plastered and decorated with wide blind arches. On the western side a porch was built later. The use of grave monuments as spolia for building the Šumnik church, the portable archaeological finds and the sepulchral monument of monk Vasilije from 14th century, as well as the position of the grave no. 5 with money of king Sigismund (1387-1437), point without any doubt to mid-14th century as the time when the church was built. Among archaeological finds the discovery of luxurious Hispano-Moorish pottery represents a true rarity, since, until today such pottery was not discovered or perhaps was not recognized on the territory of Serbia. The ground plan of the Šumnik church places it within the group of sacral buildings, erected since the third decade of the 13th century, when the church of St. Nicolas in Studenica was built, the model for most of the churches in the surrounding areas. All the other churches, with close ground plan scheme and the same project matrix, belong to the 14th century – the churches in Baljevac, Šumnik, Brvenik, Radošić and the church of St. John in Studenica. The dating was made after the mural paintings, architectural elements, sepulchral monuments, raw material and portable archaeological finds. For the moment, however, the reason for such a large number of churches dedicated to St. Nicolas in the mining area remains unknown.
Црквењаци на Светој Гори и њихове дужности
Црквењаци на Светој Гори и њихове дужности
According to the available data, the term ekklesiastikos was unknown on the Mount Athos in the tenth and eleventh century. The earliest mention of cr’kovnik is in the Typikon of Chilandar. However, the practice of having rich and famous monasteries sending one klerikos to the church of Protaton in Karyes had been mentioned in the year of 1089. Well established and known monasteries, such as Great Laura, Vatopedi, Iviron, and Chilandar, each gave one ekklesiastikos, while remaining monasteries provided the total of eight. Protaton provided the kellion in Karyes for the ekklesiastikos, as well as the vineyard in the vicinity, which became the property of the monastery that sent him and had the responsibility to support him. In the fourteenth century kellia of ekklesiastikoi were getting destroyed, either during the times of Turkish incursions or as a result of monastery’s own financial hardships. When those unfortunate events took place, the monastery was not able to send an ekklesiastikos in Karyes, who were needed for the church of Protaton to normally function. Protaton ensured that ekklesiastikoi’s cells got repaired, in order for monasteries to send ekklesiastikoi to Karyes. The order of ekklesiastikoi in the church of Protaton corresponded to the seating arrangement of their hegoumenoi in the Council of the protos. This order of precedence had to be respected. When this order was not respected, arguments occurred. One such argument took place in the fourteenth century between the monks of monasteries of Docheiariou and Xenophon. Ekklesiastikoi (cr’kovnici) of St. Panteleimon and Chilandar monasteries were noted in the decisions of the Brothers’ Assemblies, usually in front of the hegoumenarches, paraekklesiarches, trapezarios, paradocheiares, and related officers. Ekklesiastikoi of the church of Protaton had the same responsibilities as those in other monasteries. The two of the most important were to take part in processions and to maintain the order during the services. The ekklesiastikos jurisdiction resembled that of ekklesiarches, as noted by the mention of the latter as ekklesiastikos in the Typikon of Chilandar. In addition, it appears that ekklesiastikoi and epiteretai have taken over from epistemonarches. Lastly, ekklesiastikoi’s signatures on the acts of protos and his Council (1316, 1366, 1375, 1377), show that this officer, along with others from the Protaton church and representatives of smaller monasteries, especially the ones from Karyes and its surroundings, witnessed property transactions within Karyes, and participated in the creation of legal acts in the Protaton office. The ekklesiastikos who took part in making the decisions of protos and his Council in the fourteenth century, advanced in the hierarchy of Mount Athos, and took place right after the ekklesiarches and epiteretes.
Црни Ђорђе или Кара Ђорђе. (О надимку Ђорђа Петровића)
Црни Ђорђе или Кара Ђорђе. (О надимку Ђорђа Петровића)
At the beginning of the First Serbian Uprising, Đorđe Petrović was called Black, in Turkish, Kara. Serb historiography did not discuss when and why he acquired that nickname, which became an integral part of his name. In this paper, based on his contemporaries' memoirs, primarily Lazar Arsenijević Batalka and Gajo Pantelić, the author claims that the nickname was given to Đorđe by his mother, Marica, when he «stuck» a bee hive on her head. That is when she called him Black. During the First Serbian Uprising, in both domestic and foreign sources, his nickname was used in both Serbian and Turkish versions. The Turkish version eventually prevailed, and became family name of the well known Serb dynasty of Karađorđević, which ruled Serbia and Yugoslavia for 70 years.
Цртице о Качићима у Макарском приморју у XV веку
Цртице о Качићима у Макарском приморју у XV веку
The article covers the history of the Kačić family in the region between the rivers of Cetina and Neretva, known as Krajina (the Marches) or Makarska Littoral in the XV century, during the Bosnian rule. The primary goal of the research was to establish connection between various persons who carried the surname Kačić in the period 1413-1500. The secondary goal was to correct the identification of the persons mentioned in the King Ostoja’s Charter of 1417 and duke Juraj Vojsalić’s Charter of 1434. and to explain that those persons, wrongly identifed as the Radivojevići or the Vojsalići, were, in fact, the Kačići of Krajina. The Kačići were an important clan of local gentry, already present in Makarska Littoral upon the arrival of Bosnians in XIV century. Their influence was strongest in the communities of the region where they formed the elite and were a substantial part of population. Family ties between every mentioned Kačić have been established and the genealogy of the clan has been reconstructed. In the available historical sources, the Kačići were mentioned in different contexts. In documents of the early XV century from Dubrovnik they were being continuously accused of negligence concerning the piracy comitted by their people. In Bosnian charters of the same period they were either bene - ficiaries or were mentioned as a notable gentry clan. Finally, in the Venetian and Dubrovnik sources of the second half of XV century we see them trying to survive in the times of crisis, negotiating with every important political player in the region. The Kačići rose to greater power and independence in situations when the higher nobility was feuding with the king and during the stuggle between the regional lords. Otherwise, they would return to anonimity and dwell in the shadow of the magnates of Humska zemlja to which Krajina was attached. Therefore, they strived to become direct subjects of a king or a magnate who would grant them local autonomy. Despite the divisions in the late XV century, the Kačić clan has survived up until today thanks to its feeling for both identity and ability to adapt.
Чедомиљ Мијатовић и енглеско јавно мњење (1895-1900. године)
Чедомиљ Мијатовић и енглеско јавно мњење (1895-1900. године)
One of the most outstanding Serbian diplomats, politicians and economists of the second half of XIX through the early XX centuries, Čedomilj Mijatović, a well known Anglophile, was the Kingdom of Serbia envoy to the Great Britain for three times: 1884-1886, 1895-1900 and 1902-1903. In the course of his terms in Britain, Mijatović persisted, both through public representation and by publishing his essays in newspapers, to depict Serbia and Serbian people in as favorable way as possible. His engagement in the 1895-1900 period was of the special importance. Activities of this kind were exceptionally important, not only because British public was so scarcely familiar with developments on the Balkans and with geography and history of the Balkans as well, but because both Turcophilia and Bulgarophilia were prevalent in England of the time. The purpose of essays Mijatović wrote and published in English newspapers was twofold, that is - political and economic: to advocate Serbian interests and pretensions and to bring British capital to Serbia. He endeavored to engage some eminent Englishmen to make their attitudes on the Balkan developments public, and to do that in favor of the Kingdom of Serbia interests. He appealed the Great Powers, to Britain at the first place, to refrain from considering the Eastern Question as the question of how to apportion its territories among themselves, but to apply the „Balkans Peninsula to the Balkans people“ principle instead. However, a dedication uncompromising Čedomilj Mijatović pursued, as aimed at propagation of the truth about Serbia within both British public and British political environment, was not limited to his reactions made through his newspaper articles. He engaged his friends, the English having friendly attitudes to Serbia, to stand up for Serbian interests. Among more important Mijatović`s actions is formation of the text comprising the data on Serbia and forwarding it to the editor of the Encyclopaedia Britannica monumental issue. The purpose of his endeavor was not only to familiarize British public with a faraway, small and young state, but to form a notion on the state and its people as being worth interests of both British politicians and British capital. Nevertheless, by reconsidering the attitude of the Great Britain to Serbia effectively, together with the performance his legation achieved, Mijatović came to a conclusion that he had failed to gain the support of the Great Britain. But, he was not discouraged, because he believed a patient endeavor was still necessary. Results of his efforts were not the great ones, but what he achieved was to attract the attention of English public and, as much as he was able to, to put the wrong notion about Serbia, immanent even to the educated social environment of the Great Britain, right.
Чекић Или Наковањ?
Чекић Или Наковањ?
The essential problem of Germany’s international position after unification was its disproportionately great strength in comparison with other powers and the fact that this disproportion was constantly increasing. That trend was to continue right up to 1914. Germany was not only stronger than any other European power individually, but it was also capable to single-handedly take on even a coalition of several other powers, as it was to be amply demonstrated in World War I. Immediately after the unification, Bismarck realized the fear that Germany instilled in its neighbours and the potential negative consequences this fear could have for Germany itself. Consequently, he attempted to adapt his foreign policy to these circumstances, making it moderate and cautious, with the goal of preserving the situation created after 1871. However, soon after Bismarck left, the Kaiser’s diplomacy tore down the basic postulates of his foreign policy. As if that was not enough, a policy was launched, designated as Weltpolitik, although no one defined that concept, or connection of that policy with German national interest. Bismarck’s successors did not have clearly defined national interests for Germany to pursue. They thoughtlessly and irrationally reduced the entire foreign policy to a simple an illogical choice between two alternatives. So as not to be an “anvil” in European politics, Germany had to be a “hammer”. An unavoidable consequence of such a policy was the rapid deterioration of relations with other Great Powers. The great speed with which the process of degradation of the international position of Germany was progressing at the beginning of the 20th century was equal to the speed of its military and economic growth. In 1890, just about every experienced European diplomat would have jeered and shaken his head at the thought of an alliance between Britain, France and Russia. In 1906 at Algeciras it could be seen that such an alliance was definitely going to become a reality. It is an irony of history that for the greater part this alliance was not the work of some diplomat from one of the member states, but of the very nation against which it was directed. In his time, Bismarck had been faced with the possibility of an alliance of that kind and he made every attempt to avoid its consequences – the surrounding and isolation of Germany. Now the German politicians were faced with the reality of that alliance, and in 1905, they made the first in a series of attempts to break that encirclement and thus eliminate negative consequence of their restless, erratic, inconsistent and incalculable foreign policy. But to no avail. The last such attempt would lead into World War I.
ШЕСТОКРИЛОВИЋИ историја и традиција
ШЕСТОКРИЛОВИЋИ историја и традиција
According to tradition, the Šestokrilovićs were one of the oldest families of Perast. One of twelve kazadas (brotherhoods) was named after them. Very few data have been preserved about the family. There is no reliable information about their origin, about when and from where they settled in Perast, how and when they disappeared (went extinct) from this town in the Bay of Kotor. The Šestokrilović family (Miloš Šestokrilović) was mentioned for the first time in the mid-12th century, during the conflicts between Bosnian ban Borić and Dubrovnik. This event was for the first time recorded in the work of Ragusan Mauro Orbini created in 1601. The Šestokrilovićs were not mentioned in the following several centuries. Still, one of the kazadas was named after them. Based on this, it may be concluded that the Šestokrilovićs, although sources do not support this hypothesis, probably played an important role in the life of Perast. There is also another possibility – that the kazada was named after Miloš Šestokrilović, whom one of the families comprising the kazada considered their real or invented predecessor. There are few material remains in Perast which we can relate to the family, i.e. the Šestokrilović kazada. In the 16th and 17th centuries, sources also mention the Islamised Šestokrilovićs. We found them in Novi, Ulog, the Neretva nahiye, in the Cetina area. The Šestokrilovićs also found their place in folk poetry. They are mostly mentioned as the heroes of Muslim folk poems.

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