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Историјски часопис, званично гласило Историјског института, излази од 1948. године. Објављује оригиналне научне радове на српском и другим језицима. Примењује систем „слепих“ рецензија два рецензента. Тематски оквир часописа обухвата економску, друштвену, политичку и културну историју српског народа, као и његове везе са јужнословенским и осталим балканским народима, и истовремено унапређује све гране историјске науке. Хронолошки оквир је омеђен на период од средњег века до почетка 20. века, односно до 1918. године и стварања Краљевине СХС.
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Тврђава Авала (Гјузелџе) 15-18. век
Тврђава Авала (Гјузелџе) 15-18. век
At the time of the first fall of the Despotate (1439–1444), beylerbey of Rumelia Hadım Şehabeddin Pasha built a fortress on top of the Žrnov mountain, near Hungarian Belgrade. The works began in May 1442 and ended by the end of summer, without obstructions by the Hungarians, whose army was engaged in struggles in Erdély. There had been no medieval fortress on Žrnov, as it was believed, but a new fortification was built on the remains of late antique or Byzantine structures. The fortification was of irregular, rhomboid shape. The north-western corner contained the main defence tower and other corners three semi-circular towers. Along the one on the south-east, there was a square tower – the gate. The Ottomans did not use the name Žrnov as it was difficult for them to pronounce the word that was incompatible with their highly vocal language. Instead, they named the mountain as Havâla and the fortress on top of it – Güzelce Hisâr or Güzelce. In time, the name Avala became commonplace for the fortress as well, fully replacing the original name by the late 16th century.
Тимочка епископија по попису из 1836
Тимочка епископија по попису из 1836
The 1836 census of the Timok Diocese was the first systematic survey of the ecclesiastical structure made in the Timok region after the foundation of the Principality of Serbia. The data furnished by this census shed considerable light on some important questions from the history of the Timok Diocese, which was founded in 1834, a year after the territory of six Turkish districts had been added to the Principality of Serbia. This census makes it possible to establish the boundaries of the Timok Diocese, the number of priests and parishes in it, and the number of active monasteries. In addition, it records the basic information about the priests and monks, from which their age and geographic and ethnic provenance may be inferred. The records of the manumissions of the priests given in the census also provide evidence of the terms of office of the individual metropolitans of Vidin and of the bishops who had administered the neighbouring eparchies before 1833. It can be said, therefore, that the 1836 census of the Timok Diocese is an exceptionally important, first-class source for the history of the Serbian Church in the nineteenth century. Besides, the fact that it was made for the current needs of the ecclesiastical administration, with no thought of posterity, makes it a document of undoubted credibility.
Типологија рановизантијских цркви салонитанске митрополије oд IV до VI века
Типологија рановизантијских цркви салонитанске митрополије oд IV до VI века
The typological classification given in the paper comprises the entire Early Christian architecture in the Metropolitanate of Salona. Three cultural spheres, with centres in Salona, Jadera and Narona, can be distinguished. They developed different forms in response to specific liturgical requirements. As regards the ecclesiastical organization, the Roman province of Dalmatia was under the jurisdiction of the Pope, who confirmed the archbishop of Salona. Jadera, as part of the north Adriatic area, inclined to the Western and Salona gravitated to the eastern Christendom. The close relations with Aquileia probably contributed to the dogmatic theological attitude of the Church of Jadera, which was characterized by orthodoxy, while Salona was a veritable nursery of heresies. The community of Jadera received influences from the north Adriatic sphere, and Salona constantly enriched its heritage by adopting elements of Eastern material and spiritual cultures. The churches in the hinterland were not modelled on classical urban basilicas; their architecture was adjusted to the requirements of the complex ager liturgy and the religious practice in general. Typical churches of the inland regions of Dalmatia are the so-called complex churches – single-nave buildings with a naos and narthex, and lateral additions on the north and west sides. In ager churches the length is considerably reduced in relation to the width. The narthex is exceptionally large, and connected with the baptistery, which is usually a chamber on the northern side of the basilica. The ager churches belong to the DalmatianNoricium type which emerged in Narona in the early fifth century and spread up the Neretva valley into the interior of the Balkan Peninsula. It originated in the East, and the earlier examples are in Greece. They also appear in Dalmatia, Istria, Slovenia and Austria. The Salona church type is rectangular in base, twice as long as it is wide. Variants of this type are the longitudinal church with an inscribed apse and the church with three separate or linked apses. The Salona church type developed under the influences of Ravenna, Aquileia and the East, particularly Syria. The longitudinal church with a prominent apse is most common in Dalmatia, and it is also found throughout the Mediterranean area. It is usually of the single-nave type, aisled basilicas being generally built in major centres, such as Salona and Jadera. The Early Christian architecture of the two east Adriatic centres, Jadera and Salona, differ in two elements of liturgical importance – the sanctuary and the narthex. The Jadera type is represented by longitudinal churches with a prominent semicircular apse; its design, which lays no particular emphasis on the liturgically important spaces of the east and west fronts, is in harmony with the simple rites of the Roman liturgy. On the other hand, the narthex and the sanctuary are in the focus of the eastern liturgies, and this is reflected in the design of the Salona church type. Salona is characterized by greater typological diversity and has a number of elongated and central plans. The predominant type is the socalled Salona basilica, a longitudinal aisled building with a semicircular apse, narthex and pastoforium. A great number of churches were built on the foundations of earlier secular structures, so that the typological variety of the early Christian buildings was partly determined by the autochthonous pre-Christian heritage. Eastern influences are reflected in the dimensions of the building, the tripartite sanctuary, the open southern narthex and some other elements. Salona developed out of a Greek core and Greek was long spoken in it. The first missionaries and bishops came from the East, primarily from Syria and Mesopotamia. People from the eastern provinces came to Dalmatia attracted by its trade and mines, and they influenced the sacred architecture in the mining and commercial centres. The cult of the martyrs was one of the pillars of the new faith. Graves of martyrs were an integral part of graveyard basilicas, and as time went on they began to appear in town churches as well. A greater number of apses were necessary for the greater number of altars. The churches and baptisteries with a three-apse design came from the East. A considerable number of oratories, memoriae, martyria, basilicas and other sacred structures were built in the territory of the Metropolitanate of Salona.Salona is the episcopal seat with the greatest number of shrines. Four great building periods can be distinguished in it: late 3rd century - early 4th century and early 5th century (the episcopal centre); late 5th century – early 6th century (all the other churches in the town); and the first half of the 6th century (the buildings with a central plan, designed under the influence of the Justinian epoch). The origin of the Christian town is documented in the records of bishops, builders and eminent citizens. The chronological difference between the churches of the episcopal centre and the other churches in the town shows that the number of Christians greatly increased in the latter half of the 5th century, and a similar increase was recorded in the entire Salona region. As early as the beginning of the 6th century monasteries were built outside the town, at Rižinice and Crkvine in the north, and in the southern cemetery or Crkvine in the south, as well as on the islands. The Salona and the Dalmatian-Noricum types are basically similar, although there are some differences in style, in the arrangement of auxiliary rooms and in interior design. Double churches are characteristic of Dalmatia. Architecturally, a double church is actually a twin church. They are of both Salona and Dalmatian- Noricum type. Examples of the Salona double church are found in the episcopal centre of Salona and in Split, and the DalmatianNoricum type is represented at Čipuljići near Bugojno, Dabravina, Žitomislići near Mostar, Zenica, Mogorjel, Varošluk near Travnik, and Srima near Šibenik. The churches in Dalmatia mostly have semicircular apses; polygonal apses, characteristic of Italy and Istria, are very rare. There are also some examples of U-shaped apses, as in the basilica at Lovrečina on the island of Brač and at Muline on the island of Ugljan, but they are very rare. Three-apse churches originated in the East. The dimensions of the longitudinal churches shows that they were designed for large congregations and that they were used also by people living outside the city walls. The Dalmatian- Noricum type provides smaller space for the believers and it was not associated with towns. The only exceptions are the churches at Narona and Blagaj on the Japra, which were related to the town community.
Томаш Г. Масарик у борби за независност Чеха и Словака 1914-1918. године
Томаш Г. Масарик у борби за независност Чеха и Словака 1914-1918. године
Masaryk's decision to seek support for the struggle for independence of Czechs and Slovaks, which seemed hopeless to many at the beginning of the war, in the West, appeared to be justified. This was undoubtedly a brave decision. Masaryk confronted many challenges and uncertainties. His tact and his reputation gradually opened even doubly-locked doors. Through his statements, interviews, and speeches, Masaryk quickly drew attention of many, including the crucial decision makers. Many of them sought his opinion, in order to reach decisions. Sometimes even Masaryk himself believed that his memorandums were crucial for some decisions of the White House residents. That was in the United States. In Masaryk's homeland, in European capitals, and in defeated countries, the struggle for independence of Czechoslovakia was presented as an exciting story, with two professors playing key roles. They discussed principles of self-determination and democracy, and their decisions dug a grave for the evil and corrupt Habsburg creation. Such an opinion was expressed in Masaryk countrymen's belief that President Wilson was their greatest friend and best champion of their right to create their own independent country.
Трагови средњевековне материјалне културе са локалитета Градина на Јелици
Трагови средњевековне материјалне културе са локалитета Градина на Јелици
The remnants of the multilayer fort at the Gradina site on Jelica Mountain have been attracting researchers since the 19th century. The site was visited in 1865 by Janko Safarik within the framework of research of antiquities in the Rudnik and Cacak districts. This was followed by another visit of the great researcher Felix Kanitz, especially valuable due to the sketch that he had left us with. Gradina was sketched by a team of the Cacak National Museum and the first archaeological excavations started in 1984. Gradina is located on one of the ridges of the Jelica Massif in the area of the Grab village at a height of 846 m. Being a few kilometers away of the present urban center of Cacak, it offers a splendid view over the Western Morava River on the north, and the whole Dragacevo region to the south-west. A relatively simple approach to the town was from the west, with an easy slope towards the present CacakGoracici road. From the other sides, the fort is surrounded by steep slopes and bluffs. The Early Byzantine road has been continuously used as confirmed by the find of a gate on the present forest road. The paper deals with medieval remnants, primarily ceramic material, on the basis of which their secondary utilization during the early Middle Ages has been observed at several Early Byzantine sites. These are sites number I, II, III, IV, V and VII. On the basis of this material too the rampart reducing the original fort to the zone of Upper Town only has been dated as a medieval one. The finds of the ceramic material in basilicas A, B and E confirm the secondary use of these sites most probably for housing purposes, for there is no proof that the church was used for cult practicing. The chronological span of the site has been determined according to the ceramic material. Pots and earthenware covers are mostly represented, while earthenware dishes for baking bread and bottles are rather rare. The way in which they were made is different too, from kneading on the slow wheel to their make on the fast wheel, although this does not determine the chronology, for we have seen the same shops making dishes both on the slow and on the fast wheel. The dating of dishes was made according to the existing analogies. However, we have to note that the medieval pottery from the neighboring sites differs from the Gradina pottery both by shape and by make. This confirms that the dating of the medieval phase of neighboring sites represents a terminus ante quem for our material, being the beginning of the 10th century. We could conclude that in the stratigraphy of the Jelica Mountain one can observe clear traces of the town destruction by fire, provoked probably by the devastating campaign of either the Avarians or the Slavs. When had it happened exactly we do not know – in the eighties of the 6th century or at the beginning of the 7th century? However, Jelica has a specific feature throwing a different light to the period immediately before the Slav conquests: it is the continuation of life after a short period , until the second half of the 9th century or the beginning of the 10th one. It is possible that the reasons for abandoning Gradina and moving to new sites in the vicinity of Cacak were in the expansion of the Serbian territory in the thirties. Therefore I am of the opinion that the remnants of the material culture from Jelca could be ascribed to the Serbs, linking the ceramic material which helped us to establish the chronological framework of the site with the territory that the Serbs occupied upon settling, and with all historical data at our disposal. One should not exclude the presence of some other small Slavic groups, for some material characteristic for areas under the Avarian domination has been found too. Besides, one should expect similar finds on the northern borders of the Serbian territory of that time, where the Serbs have fulfilled their duties as federates of the Empire.
Турско утврђење кучајна од оснивања 1552/53. До Аустријског освајања 1718. Године
Турско утврђење кучајна од оснивања 1552/53. До Аустријског освајања 1718. Године
Evidence of mining activities in the North-East Serbia dates back to prehistoric times. However, only during the Ottoman Empire did this region become famous for its mines. The most important of them, the Kučajna gold and silver mine, was opened in 1552/3. A mint, bullet workshop and other ancillary facilities were built in its vicinity. As until recently the historiography offered little information about this mine, the construction of the nearby palanka has never been connected with it. The only information about the palanka of Kučajna referrs to the number of garrison troops in the period from 1560 to 1589. The palanka of Kučajna, referred to in the records under the Hungarian name of parkanj, was built on a hill above the mine in the same year when the mine was opened. Its main purpose was to store silver ingots, coins and bullets. There is no record of how the palanka originally looked and it is hard to tell whether its walls were built of stakes tied with withes, or it was surrounded by a double wall of logs filled with earth. Since it was protected by two cannon and depending on construction, small wooden towers or earthen bastions were erected probably at the two corners to the left and right of the main gate. Inside the palanka, there were several specially protected solid buildings. These were the treasury for storing precious metals and coins, bullet and food storage, and a prison, known as the Dizdar's Jail. It was both the military and civil prison of the kaza of Kučajna. The palanka had an Islamic place of worship, houses of dizdars and other members of the garrison, many shops and workshops. The material that palankas were made of required their almost complete reconstruction every 10 to 15 years. According to the information recorded in the accounting books of the mine, the first major reconstruction of the palanka of Kučajna was carried out in 1564/65. A new stage in the history of the fortress of Kučajna began in 1577, after its second reconstruction and building of a stone fortress (Tur. kale). The new fortress was incorporated into the old one making a single fortification called kale-i parkan-i Kuçayna in the records. The fortification remained the same until the Viennese War (1683-1699). After the Austrian capture of Belgrade in 1688, the fortress was taken over by hayduks without fighting. During the retreat in 1690, they destroyed and torched the town and the mine and presumably the wooden part of the fortification, since it was not mentioned in the record made by the Ottoman chronicler Uskudari, who passed through Kucajna a month later. His record says that the town "has a small but strong stone fortress". New palisades were built between 1691 and 1696. They were possibly bigger than the previous ones, since the fortress of Kučajna not only served for the defence of the mine but had gained strategic importance. The number of soldiers at Kučajna fortress varied in relation to general circumstances in the Empire. In the second half of the 16th century, the number of garrison troops (Tur. mustahfız) was between 27 and 41; they were armed with rifles, and while arms and gunpowder were delivered from the arsenal at Smederevo, bullets were made at Kučajna. During the greater part of the 17th century, there were no major military conflicts in the Danube region and only about twenty janissaries (Tur. yerlü) were stationed in the fortress. One of the reasons why the number of soldiers was reduced was the fact that the nearby town of Majdanpek was becoming the mining centre of the region and had its own fortification. After the re-capture of Belgrade in 1690, the fortress of Kučajna became an important military stronghold with more than a hundred soldiers. Even after the 1699 peace treaty and establishment of Belgrade Frontier in 1702, Kučajna maintained a large garrison that included 73 yerlüs. For decades after its construction, the garrison of Kučajna was supported by the revenue from timars. According to the register of timars dating from the late 60s of the 16th century, 27 mustafhizs received income from 5 timars, four of which were in the nahiye of Mlava and comprised the villages of Bradača, Kobila, Mala Duboka, Slana, Crljenci, Rašanica and the Monastery of Oreškovica, while the fifth comprised the villages of Gornja Brestova and Sediče in the nahiye of Resava and the village of Sena in the nahiye of Pek. The village of Bradača with the annual revenue of 2800 akçes was the only independent timar and it belonged to the kethüda of the palanka. The other timar, the village of Kobila, with revenue of 2800 akçes was divided between two mustahfizs, and the third of 5600 akçes, comprising the villages of Mala Duboka, Slana and the Monastery of Oreškovica, was divided between four of them. The revenue from the fourth timar comprising the villages of Rašanica and Crljenci, in the amount of 12800 akçes, was used by two bölükbasís and seven mustafhizs. The fifth and the largest timar was worth 15400 akçes. Apart from the villages of Gornja Brestova and Sediče it included the unpopulated village of Sena. This timar was divided between 11 mustahfizs. This register does not contain information about dizdar's timar, but other documents show that his income was 3600 akçes. When the annual revenue from the timars is divided by 354 days of the Islamic year, it shows that the approximate amounts of per diems for dizdar, kethuda and mustafhiz were 10, 8 and 4 akçes respectively. Yerlü garrison troops during the 17th century were paid from the national treasury. Their pay often changed due to high inflation rates. Per diems of yerlü janissaries after the Viennese War were 11 akçes. However, the treasury did not have enough funds to pay the troops, and the garrisons now leased the right to collect local tax. The first such example was recorded at Kučajna, where before the end of the war the yerlüs took under lease the revenue of the devastated mine for only 250 groschen a year. Upon the expiry of the three-year lease in 1700, the yerlüs renewed the lease for 700 groschen. The collection of tax by the soldiers was a bad solution resulting in violence against the local population, embezzlements by commanders and overall breakdown of discipline. This was one of the causes of the Ottoman army defeat in the War of Varadin (1716-1718), after which Kučajna was part of the Habsburg Monarchy for more than two decades.
Улога Константина VII Порфирогенита у опису Далмације
Улога Константина VII Порфирогенита у опису Далмације
The role of the Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (945–959) in the creation of the chapter on Dalmatia (29–30) in the work De Administrando Imperio is primarily related to the issue of authorship of Chapter 30, considered by most scholars to have been added after his death. The key arguments behind assigning a later date to this Chapter were the news of the subjugation of White Croats to the German Emperor Otto I, who is described as ὁ μέγας and of the good relations between the Croats and the Hungarians - reportedly feasible only after Otto’s victory over the Hungarians in the Battle of Lechfeld in 955. However, all of that could have been known also at the time when Constantine was working on De Administrando Imperio (948–952), and certainly during his lifetime. Insufficient insight into the nature of the entire work led to overemphasized incongruities between Chapter 30 and the adjacent chapters, even though contradictions and data discrepancies featured in other sections as well. Thus, the specific hints indicating the author’s identical positions and reasoning present in Chapter 30 and the rest of the work were ignored, together with the compatibilities of some geographic information, supporting the claim that all the chapters in this work were produced by the same author.
Унапређење сточарства у Краљевини Србији
Унапређење сточарства у Краљевини Србији
The strategic and planned implementation of the policy of cross¬breeding, selection and introduction of new cattle breeds in Serbia was preceded by the period of occasional imports of foreign breeds of different domesticated animals and unplanned cross¬breeding with the domestic ones. In the mid¬19th century, the state authorities tried to influence the selection of cattle in private estates, and to import the first important contingents of breed cattle. However, these attempts failed and livestock breeding and breeding of foreign breeds was limited only to state institutes – the Topčider economy and State Stud Farm. The establishment of fundaments and implementation of a planned policy in the cattle breeding field began with the formation of the Ministry of National Economy and its departments in charge of agricultural production. A standing commission for the procurement of cattle was established, tasked with zoning of entire Serbia and with the procurement of particular breeds of cattle, pigs and poultry abroad in accordance with needs of each zone. Procurements were made for state agricultural institutes and districts, while the cattle purchased was used for breeding and cross-breeding with domestic breeds. Already in the late first decade of the 20th century, it was possible to notice diversity in breeds, particularly in more developed areas, such as Šumadija and Mačva. It is not possible to determine to what extent these policies fulfilled their objective – more efficient working force in agriculture, more market surpluses of cattle breeding products and shifting to intensive cattle breeding production. The outbreak of the First World War and great losses in the livestock population largely annulled the previous efforts. The period of spreading of agrarian mechanisation and adoption of the concept of quantity in cattle breeding production signified the start of dissipation of the number of old low productive autochthonous breeds, and thus the biodiversity of the livestock population in Serbia.
Упади Aлбанаца у Cрбију 1879. године
Упади Aлбанаца у Cрбију 1879. године
This paper deals with the Albanian incursions in south Serb borderline regions in 1879. It explains their causes and different modalities of performance. Exact data about damages inflicted by the incursions on state and private property are given. However, the main issue analyzed in this paper is diplomatic repercussion, which occurred as the result of Albanian incursions. It is described in detail how the Ottoman Porte has, under the influence of Great Britain, requested from the Serb government to allow repatriation of all Albanian refugees, who emigrated from the Toplica and Vranje regions during the 1877/78 war. It is stated that the Serb authorities had been eventually compelled to accept such request, but the repatriation did not take place after all. The paper is based on mainly unused documents from Archive of Serbia.
Утврђење Градина - Кончулић код Рашке
Утврђење Градина - Кончулић код Рашке
On the right bank of the river Ibar, 3 km from Raška, from the Northwest side of the Končulić monastery, there is a fortress on the coned top, on 538.36. It provided a good view of the Ibar valley and Končulić monastery. It was also in visual communication with the fortress in Donja Rudnica. The site was studied with five smaller sounds, which established its stratigraphy, and surface following of the fortress wall at the same time established its triangular shape. The wall could partially be noted by weaker and dried vegetation, and by the cascades formed. The western and the southern rampart were, after minor surface interventions, visible for the most of its length, only the NE rampart remained unnoticed because of the dense forest vegetation on that part of the site. The access side was the southern slope, where double rampart was noted. A smaller square object with circular opening, whose function is yet to be determined, was noted by the southern rampart. The archeological material found witnesses multi-layeredness of the site. Prehistoric ceramics finds confirm the existence of the Gradina-type fortress. The Early Byzantine layer corresponds to the time of the establishment of the fortress. The use in the Medieval period is confirmed by a piece of the amphorae-type jug, pointing to either Bulgarian or Byzantine presence.
ФРАНЦУСКА И ПОВРАТАК НА ВЛАСТ ДИНАСТИЈЕ ОБРЕНОВИЋА 1859. ГОДИНЕ
ФРАНЦУСКА И ПОВРАТАК НА ВЛАСТ ДИНАСТИЈЕ ОБРЕНОВИЋА 1859. ГОДИНЕ
The article deals with the activity of French diplomacy in the Principality of Serbia at the time of crucial events which led to the deposition of dynasties at the St Andrew Assembly at the end of 1858. The topic of the return of the Obrenović Dynasty accounts for a significant part of historical literature, but the relations between Serbia and France at the time of this important event have not been made clear enough from the viewpoint of relations between France, Russia and Austria, which is the goal of this work. In writing this paper, we relied on many unpublished sources of French origin. In 1858, France supported the shift of the ruling dynasties in Serbia, as well as the return to the throne of Miloš Obrenović, in cooperation with Russia about the issues of the Ottoman Empire, opposite to the Austrian interests. France energetically opposed the armed intervention of the Habsburg Monarchy in favor of Prince Aleksandar Karađorđević and defended the privileges of the Serbs guaranteed by the Porte. Mihailo Obrenović was especially trusted by the Emperor and the Government in Paris. France saw the chance to enlarge its influence in the Balkans using the changes in Serbia, especially towards Austria, whose influence increased after the defeat of Russia in the Crimean War.

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