Vojnoistorijski glasnik
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Vojnoistorijski glasnik is a scientific journal of the Institute for Strategic Research. The journal was founded in 1950 as a journal of the Military History Institute and in the meantime has undergone many changes in terms of concept, content, design and frequency of publication.
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- Јакобити у Урбину 1718. године у светлости британско–млетачких односа
- Summary/Abstract: Great Britain did not have diplomatic representation in the Papal State, so all business conducted there and relevant news was reported to Whitehall by a Venetian resident. This was Alexander Cunningham, who began this duty in 1715, after the Jacobite rising in Scotland of James Francis Edward (the “Old Pretender,” the son of the deposed James II of England and Ireland, VII of Scotland). Cunningham’s attention during 1718 was focused on surveying the actions of James Edward and the position the Holy See took towards him. Judging by his correspondence, Cunningham he did not perform this task well. An aggravating circumstance was the complicated relations between various states due to the possession of Sicily (by the House of Savoy) and the Kingdom of Naples (by the Austrians), for his seriously challenged balance of power established in Utrecht and Rastatt. Various treaties gave Great Britain a role of guarantor of peace and neutrality in Italy. As a result, Great Britain became involved in events in this part of Europe, especially when Spain entertained the thought of bringing back Sicily under its reign. On the other hand, Cunningham was compelled to watch the position of Venetian authorities regarding the Jacobites, who started to immigrate into the Venetian state. The decision of James Edward to move to Spain, whose support he needed to take power back in Great Britain, relieved both British-Venetian and British-Papal relations of that burden.
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- Један османлијски извор о војсци Краљевине Србије из 1915. године
- Summary/Abstract: У Библиотеци Истраживачког центра за исламску историју, уметности и културу у Истамбулу, под инвентарским бројем 355./0094971/SI, чува се једна штампана брошура, која се односи на Војску Краљевине Србије, објављена октобра/новембра 1915. год. од стране Обавештајног одељења Главног Генералштаба Војске Османлијске државе. Извор носи назив „Кратка брошура у вези са српском војском“ и штампана је на 27 страна, од којих су 16 страна текста, 2 странe табеле, 3 стране ратне формације (тзв. Ordre de bataille), 2 стране са картама и 3 стране са црно-белим фотографијама. Димензије брошуре су скромне: 16x11 (12x8,5) cm, док је последња страна, на којој се налази карта Краљевине Србије, нешто већег формата. [...]
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- Југословенска краљевска влада и делатност Црвеног крста 1941–1945.
- Summary/Abstract: The Yugoslav Royal Government sought to get the information through the Red Cross on those captured in the 1941 April War. The news on their transfer to the prisoner of war campuses in Germany, Italy, Albania and Norway as well as on the number of the prisoners came from the International Red Cross. After the capitulation of Italy in September 1943, there was an attempt to form an army composed of the prisoners of war in Italy, which was to take part in liberation of Yugoslavia. The Government sought to provide aid as much as it could in the given circumstances, and after alarming news on the difficult situation in the country it launched a widespread campaign aimed at sending aid through the Red Cross. The news from the country guided the efforts to get the Red Cross to play a humanitarian role, while the Yugoslav Government provided financial assistance for operation of the Red Cross committees in some countries.
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- Југословенска краљевска влада и оглашавање на лондонском радију 1941-1944 (сарадња и неспоразуми)
- Summary/Abstract: British-Yugoslav negotiations over broadcasting on the London Radio were cooperative, but full of misunderstandings. The British allowed the broadcast of the “Military Program” in Serbo-Croatian during 1942 and the beginning of 1943. Misunderstandings occurred when coded information was announced on the radio, some individual names were broadcast (that was considered to be denunciation), and news was transmitted about Partisan resistance in Yugoslavia. This experience provides insight into British policy towards the Yugoslav Government and events in Yugoslavia; that policy perceived reality in the scope of general war attitudes and British interests. At Yugoslav demand, the British side shaded details of Yugoslav war reality in a diplomatic way and overlooked the Yugoslav Government’s (Military Cabinet) lack of tactics and understanding. The Yugoslav side demanded that the British accept its positions and forgot the advice that you should not anger the one you are begging for something.
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- Југословенска краљевска влада и одузимање чинова официрима 1941 – 1944.
- Summary/Abstract: The Royal Government gathered information on the situation in Yugoslavia through different channels (diplomatic representatives, news published in the press, from the official gazette, dispatch of the General Dragoljub Mihailović, etc.). The consequences from this information were depriving officers of the previously given ranks, both for those who collaborated with the occupying army in different military formations in Yugoslavia (military of Independent State of Croatia (ISC), the Nedić’s military formation and followers of the Ljotić’s “Zbor”), and the followers of the National Liberation Army which was in conflict with the occupying army in Yugoslavia whose anti-fascist commitment was evident. Of over 700 decisions on depriving from the ranks, almost 90% relate to those officers who went over to the military of ISC, then from 8% to 9% to the followers of the Nedić’s and the Ljotić’s movements who collaborated with the Germans, while about 2% were those who entered the National Liberation Movement. The Solutions on depriving from the ranks were signed by the Prime Ministers Dušan Simović and Slobodan Jovanović, and they were published in the ,,Official Gazette’’ of the Yugoslav Royal Government, then broadcasted on the London Radio or, as advertising material, were inserted into the country. By that they tried to make influence through propaganda in order to channel the events in the direction of their own interests and goals. The reported facts strongly support the picture of the overall complexity of the war in Yugoslavia.
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- Југословенски избеглички логор Ел Шат, Египат 1944 - 1946. Потреба и(ли) потврда
- Summary/Abstract: Покушај да се кроз предочавање само једног (Писмо Мата А. Јакшића шефу Војне мисије НКОЈ-a у Великој Британији, Владимиру Велебиту о стању и потребама збега, о односима са UNRRA-ом) у низу докумената који се чувају у фонду Канцеларије маршала Југославије, Архива Јосипа Броза Тита у Београду проговори о судбини југословенских избеглица, претежно Далматинаца, које су у страху од немачке одмазде, али и интензивних савезничких бомбардовања, крајем 1943. године биле приморане да напусте своје домове и уточиште потраже, не увек у складу са својом вољом, на ободима афричког континента, представља скроман допринос изучавању избеглиштва, као неизоставне манифестације свих ратних сукоба, како у прошлости тако и данас. Избегличка судбина Југословена који су на обале Египта почели да пристижу већ јануара 1944. године претежно је представљала предмет интересовања хрватских историчара. [...]
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- Југословенски спорт у служби јачања одбрамбене моћи земље 1945–1950.
- Summary/Abstract: As a complex phenomenon, sport was used in socialist Yugoslavia as a powerful instrument of and for the state itself. During the period 1945-1950, when the Revolution was fragile and the country was under immense pressure from the West, the most important task was to strengthen the country’s defense capacity. Sport was used for that purpose, alongside with pre-military training and, of course, for enhancing the military. The two activities, sport and pre-military training, were perceived as important by Josip Broz Tito and the People's Youth of Yugoslavia. Under the purview of the Committee of Physical Culture, new, socialist sport was being developed while its military component was regarded as the most significant. Consequently, sport itself was transformed into a military program. The model was not new; it was framed by the system of the physical culture of the USSR and its maxim, ”Prepared for Work and Defence” (GOT). Being the largest organization of youth, with tremendous propaganda potential, the task of spreading the new physical culture was delegated to the People's Youth of Yugoslavia. Because of their equalization of pre-military training and sport, their actions had notable consequences. Adding to this, sports were differentiated by their contribution to the country’s defense capacity. The most important and valuable sports were mountaineering, skiing, swimming, and shooting. Other sports had to adapt and highlight their role in the militarization of the masses. Considered most useful in terms of military practice, marksmanship was identified as the state’s priority. The change came in 1950 after major political and ideological shifts in Yugoslavia itself (the conflict with Infrombiro, rapprochement with the West, and the new state’s ideology), when the Committee of Physical Culture was disestablished and sport came under the Ministry of Education. Thus, the accelerated sovietization of sport, and the dominant usage of it as a means of building the country’s defense capacity, was abandoned. Sport, however, remained a significant factor in the militarization of society, but to a lesser extent than it had in 1945-1950.
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- Југословенско-совјетске несугласице 1974–1976. и њихов утицај на међународни положај Југославије
- Summary/Abstract: With the proclamation of a new Yugoslav constitution in 1974, some of the causes of serious debate between the Soviet and Yugoslav leadership were emphasized even more. In the period that followed, not even serious ideological differences between the two countries have been reduced the friction. This was not realistic to happen, because Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union had different model of socialist societies as well different positions in international relations. Continuing problems during this period were caused by: different approaches to the “role of the Party in socialist transfiguration of the society”; permanent Soviet restraints related to Yugoslav internal development and foreign policy orientation; different perceptions of principles envisioned for relations among socialist states; different approaches towards the value of rapprochement with China; activities of Cominform emigration on both Soviet and Yugoslav soil; different approaches towards the resolution of the ongoing energy crisis caused by Soviet objections related to writings in the Yugoslav press; and because of Yugoslav dissatisfaction with the Soviets diminishing the role of the Yugoslav struggle in Second World War during the celebrations of 30th anniversary (and emphasis of Red Army contribution to the liberation of Yugoslavia). However, in order to improve bilateral cooperation and stabilize its own international position, major ideological differences were pushed into the background, kept aside, or relativized. Although they were pointed out, they were not eliminated. Both sides agreed to accept these differences. In this sense, a new “legitimacy” of mutual disagreement showed up in practice, that is, the right of the Soviets to criticize Yugoslav policies, as well as of Tito and his associates to reject legitimate criticism.
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- Ћеле-кула између мита и историје
- Summary/Abstract: The “Skull Tower” has played a significant role in Serbian collective memory. This unique material and memorial topos, constituted as a pledge of remembrance of the conflict between the Serbian and Ottoman combatants (as well as a warning by the Ottomans), was continuously shaped during the 19th century along the lines of the existing ideological and cultural patterns. Raising the Skull Tower like an anti-civilization topos, the triumph of the Ottoman Army and the defeat of the Serbian troops at Battle of Čegar in 1809, had been “eternally” visualized. The defeat of Serbian rebels near the village of Kamenica (close to the city of Niš), marked the beginning of a process of shaping a two-fold memory of the great battle. The Ottoman and Serbian memories of the Battle of Čegar were sublimated into the very Skull Tower via the skulls of Serbian rebels embedded its walls. Keeping the memory of the famous monument alive, as well as its modification from the Ottoman to the Serbian memorial theme, points to the development and use of the collective memory in the 19th century.
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- АРТИЉЕРИЈСКА КАСАРНА У УЖИЦУ И ЊЕНО УЧЕШЋЕ У РАЗВОЈУ ГРАДА
- Summary/Abstract: Artillery barrack in Užice was built in 1863. Facilities complex has had a major impact on urban and architectural development of the town. Structural system and forming method were a novelty example for the environment and the citizens for how to build. It helped the society to remove the traces of Turkish occupation and accelerate town reconstruction. Through construction of infrastructure for own needs it helped development of town part around. In western Serbia, military facilities had a positive impact on urban planning and architecture during the 19th century. This paper deals with development of the Artillery barrack in Užice from 1863 to 1967.
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- Алексеј Tимофејев, Милана Живановић, Уџбеник за Тита
- Summary/Abstract: Prikaz knjige Udžbenik za Tita: Komiterna i pripreme partizanskog rata u Evropi od Alekseja Timofejeva i Milane Živanović