Vojnoistorijski glasnik

: Француске војне мисије у Балканским ратовима (1912–1913); Summary/Abstract: The First Balkan War, which started on 8 October 1912, attracted French diplomatic and military attention. In order to closely observe the military operations and tactics of the belligerents, the French War Office sent six military missions to the Balkans. With an approval of both the Balkan Allies and the Ottoman Empire, French officers, guided by local officers, had full access to the battlefields. These missions all had great interest to observe the use of artillery, fortification systems, coordination between different army corps, etc. Moreover, they paid significant attention to the local customs, traditions, and history. After returning from the Balkans, the members of the missions submitted their reports to the French General Command, but some of them thought that war experiences from the Balkans must be shared publicly outside military circles. Thus they published papers in scholarly army journals or as special military studies. These published works drew great attention to the Balkan Wars, and eventually led to the question whether the French Army was ready for the type of war that took place in the Balkans. In order to prepare, all European armies, including France’s, started to conduct various reforms and restructuring. The Balkan experience was of substantial significance to each army, providing them with the possibility of examining flaws in their own military system and thereafter correcting them. Unfortunately, an unexpected war which broke out less than a year after the Bucharest peace conference caught most of these reforms in progress, so it is impossible to assess the longterm military benefit to foreign nations from the Balkan Wars.

: Цивили и официри. Искуство Самосталне радикалне странке (1903); Summary/Abstract: The characteristics of the Serbian State’s establishment, an entity that was built and defended through uprisings, wars for independence and the liberation of “enslaved brothers,” caused some national and political issues, among which one was the tight connection between civil society, the political leaders and military factors. In this relationship, military factors occasionally interfered with political issues. During the crisis year of 1903, a group of officers even took on the responsibility of changing the ruler and killed the Obrenović ruling couple. This serious act entered history and the national political conscience, as well as the science of history, as one of the crucial moments in Serbia’s national history, raising the question of who was directly or indirectly responsible for making such a radical change possible. The Independent Radical Party, an enemy of the non-democratic Obrenović regime which did not participate in the establishment of the state that would gain the support of a majority of the Serbian people, is one of the political forces that was not directly involved in the coup, but whose sharp opposition helped create an atmosphere that made it possible. Although sometimes the independent radicals were considered to be ideological supporters of the conspiracy, when the officers’-conspirators refused to accept their suggestion to proclaim a republic, they soon realized that they had gained a political partner with ambitions not only to remain on the political scene, but also one that did not want to return control over the political scene to the state. Accordingly, cooperation between the military actors and representatives of the Independent Radical Party became more frequent, but data on that issue are incomplete and poor.

: Четници и капитулација Италије 1943.; Summary/Abstract: The Italian capitulation and retreating from the war were a signal for the Germans and the two movements in Yugoslavia (Partisans and Četniks) to take advantage of the new situation. The Germans wanted to advance towards the Adriatic Coast in order to prevent the Allies from possible landing. The Četniks tried to gain better positions by filling the vacuum created by the Italian capitulation and to get ready for possible allies’ landing. The Partisan movement hoped to expand the liberated territory and augment the movement by drafting new fighters. Both movements (Partisans and Četniks) strived for strengthening their military assets by acquiring Italian weapons. Following Četniks’ advance to the vacuum created by the Italian capitulation, the Partisan movement attacked those areas and took them over, deepening the irreconcilable conflict between them and Četniks. All the events that were taking place reflected efforts to secure better positions in the wake of the expected end of the World War II.

: ШКОЛОВАЊЕ И УСАВРШАВАЊЕ СРПСКИХ ОФИЦИРА У ФРАНЦУСКОЈ И БЕЛГИЈИ У ДРУГОЈ ПОЛОВИНИ 19. И ПРВОЈ ДЕЦЕНИЈИ 20. ВЕКА; Summary/Abstract: A handful of Serbian officers, specialists in certain areas of military, were educated in France and Belgium in mid-19. century. They were mostly general staff and military engineering officers, who received high education in military schools in Paris. Artillery officers were given specialized education in Belgium, where they were trained to manufacture weapons and gunpowder. In the last decade of the 19. century a number of Serbian officers were sent to French and Belgian military schools, including those who paid for their education. In the first decade of the 20. century, the majority of officers were schooled in France, during the time in which Kingdom of Serbia began approaching the Entente countries. In this period many Serbian officers of various combat arms and services were conducting their internships in France. Officers schooled in France and Belgium in 19. and the first decade of the 20. century, significantly contributed to modernization of the Serbian Army. French influence in the Serbian army and the Army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia remained dominant until World War II.

: Школовање српских официра у Аустро-Угарској и Немачкој у XIX и првој деценији XX века; Summary/Abstract: Cooperation between Serbia and Austria in field of military education has long tradition and it was closely connected with formation of regular army during first reign of Prince Miloš Obrenović. By the mid 19th century and creation of National army largest number of Serbian youth was educated in Prussia whose army at that moment became model for other European armies as well. By the 80’s when conscription was introduced in Serbia, officers in majority of cases went for Austria-Hungary to continue their education. Serbian officers that have been educated in Prussia and Austria-Hungary executed dominant influence on development and modernization of Serbian armed forces by the end of 19th and beginning of 20th century.

: Школовање српских официра у Русији у XIX и првој деценији XX века; Summary/Abstract: The first country Serbian military officers were sent to for military education was Russia in 1833. By the mid-19th century, Russo-Serbian official military cooperation had been interrupted; however, Serbian officers went privately to Russia to continue their military education and career advancement. During the last decades of the 19th century, Serbian officers were routinely trained and educated in military academies in St. Petersburg and Moscow. Military cooperation was supplemented by sending Serbian officers to Russian field schools as well as on internships. By the beginning of the 20th century, Serbian officer education in Russia reached its peak. Large numbers of officers of different specialties were sent to Russia for further education. Russia was the only foreign country that opened the doors of its military educational institutions without reservation. Serbia saw Russia, with which it had many similarities, as a model. Both the Serbian and Russian armed forces emphasized recruit literacy and reinforcing national and religious consciousness. Officers educated in Russia contributed to a large extent in the modernization of the Serbian armed forces. Generals Dimitrije Đurić and Mihaio Magdalenić were noted for their mastery of military theory, while those who served as minister of the army, including Generals Sava Grujić, Mihailo Živković, Milutin Marinović, and Miloš Božanović, and Colonel Radoje Bojović, were extremely influential in organizing the Serbian Army.

: „VARLIK VERGISI“ – и политика турске владе према грчкој националној мањини у Другом светском рату; Summary/Abstract: The paper deals with an important segment of the policy of neutral Turkey during the World War II its policy regarding the minorities that, with its tightening, aggravated the position of the non Muslim communities. Among various repressive measures, the special tax varlik vergisi, introduced in November 1942, is especially significant. Under the pretext of preventing making illegal profits, tax liabilities much higher than those imposed on the majority population were imposed on Greek, Armenian and Jewish businessmen, both Turkish citizens and foreigners. Failure to settle these liabilities within short deadlines would result in seizure of property, internment and forced labour in remote areas. The official justification of this openly xenophobic measure provided by the authorities and their media reflected the influence of the ideas that were coming from the Axis countries and were supported by some in Turkey, including a part of the political elite. The author considers this phenomenon in the light of war events and the position of Turkey as a neutral country, focusing on its relations with the exiled Greek government and the UK.

: „Дунав, најважнији водени пут између Средње Европе и Истока“ (Извештаји Југословенској краљевској влади у Другом светском рату); Summary/Abstract: The Danube was marked as the central navigable route in the strategic plans of the Third Reich. Due to its importance, the Allies, and especially British, tried to cut this water communication and the Yugoslav government was asked to assist in accomplishing of the task. The intensified traffic on the Danube was understood by the Allies as an indication of possible preparations for a German attack on neutral Turkey. The core of the issue was the aspiration to block German economic exploitation of South East Europe, with the focal point in the oil fields in Ploesti, Romania, in order to stop the German war machine. The activities of Yugoslav representatives point to endeavours to contribute to the war efforts of the Allies. However, when Mihailović and his commanders were asked to get actively involved in field combat they opted to wait and gave priority to struggle against the partisan movement.

: „Кан“ Ногај, краљ Милутин и српско-татарски сукоби крајем ХIII века; Summary/Abstract: During the last three decades of the XIIIth century, Nogay (c. 1240–1299), a member of Genghis Khan family and founder of independent Mongol state in the former western teritories of the Golden Horde gradually extended his control on the Carpathian-Danubian basin and Southeastern Europe. Serbian medieval state was also brought under his sway and from the onset of his reign, Stephen Uroš II Milutin (1282–1321) had to deal with Nogay’s Tatars on mаny occasions. When his vassals, lords of Braničevo and Vidin, suffered defeat in Serbian hands, Nogay was instigated to intervene directly in order to stop further Serbian expansion. The threat of Tatar invasion forced Milutin to accept Nogay’s suzerainty and to send his son Stephen and members of Serbian aristocratic military elite „to serve Nogay“, as stated in The Life of Milutin written by Serbian archbishop Daniel II. Conclusion, based not only upon that source, but on comparison with other contemporary and relevant texts and events, is that the arrangement among Milutin and Nogay took place in 1293–1294. Furthermore, prince Stephen returned to Serbia as early as 1297 and this happened shortly before the outbreak of war between Nogay and Tokhta, legitimate khan of Golden Horde. In those years Serbian and Tatar interests had one common trait – enmity towards Byzantium and it is therefore not surprising that contemporaries mentioned simultaneos Serbian and Tatar raids on Byzantine lands. Omnipresent Tatar factor even played a role in subsequent reconciliations between emperor Andronicus II and Serbian king. Following Nogay’s defeat and death in 1299, region witnessed mass immigrations of nomadic elements from Transdanubian lands. One group of Alans and Tatars found refuge in Serbia in 1310, while the country was torn apart by civil war between Milutin and his brother Stephen Dragutin. These nomads on horseback, previously constant and pervasive menace, entered then Milutin’s service and provided crucial victory to him in the most precarious moment of his long reign.

: „Крв и живот за слободу “ – Југословенски интербригадисти у Шпанији (1936–1939); Summary/Abstract: In the military conflict between the ‘two’ Spains – the military one and the democratic one – more than a million people died. The Spanish Civil War deeply polarized the world public. While the military junta drew support from the German Nazism and the Italian Fascism, the democratic world public actively supported defence of the Spanish Republic. In the period 1936-1938 about 40,000 volunteers from 54 states arrived to Spain, including more than 1,900 ‘Yugoslavs’. The most comprehensive insight into the given problems is offered in the collection of papers “Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Spanish Civil War” which can be found today in the Archives of Serbia and Montenegro in Belgrade. Although on the grounds of the Second Yugoslavia there were relatively many published studies on the theme of the Yugoslav volunteers in Spain (diaries, records, memoirs, autobiographies, pictures, etc.), we cannot overlook the conclusion that this important theme of the new world history has never been the subject of a thorough research work and scientific approach by any institution or an individual in the former Yugoslav republics who deal with the contemporary history. Everything, more or less, with some rare exceptions, remained at the level of collecting the memories of the participants in the Spanish Civil War. This study is focused on the structural analysis of the Yugoslav volunteers (age, profession, gender, political affiliation, nationality, etc.) and gives a new name list. Compared with 1971 (1664 persons) the same list was extended to 1912 persons of the ‘Yugoslav’ origin. It is based on the new international research who included among the ‘Yugoslav’ Spaniards the volunteers who were overlooked before, from the following categories: 1. economic emigrants from the ‘Yugoslav’ countries before the First World War and between the two world wars; 2. political emigrants from Yugoslavia between the two world wars and after the Second World War; 3. the Slovenians and the Croats from the Julian border area (Venezia Giulia) annexed by the Fascist Italy after the First World War; 4. the Slovenians from the regions of Koruška and Staerska which were given to the Republic of Austria; 5. the Croats from the territory of the Croatian coast annexed by the Fascist Italy after the First World War; 6. the ‘Yugoslav’ Macedonians from Bulgaria and Greece.

: „ПОПИС ВОЈНИХ И ЦИВИЛНИХ ГУБИТАКА КРАЉЕВИНЕ СРБИЈЕ У ЉУДСТВУ У ПРВОМ СВЕТСКОМ РАТУ – АРХИВСКА ГРАЂА ВОЈНОГ АРХИВА”; Summary/Abstract: Prikaz Popisa vojnih i civilnih gubitaka Kraljevine Srbije u ljudstcu u Prvom svetskom ratu - arhivska građa Vojnog arhiva

: „Партија грађанског рата“; Summary/Abstract: Comintern in the 20–30s of the 20th century was a strong and unique organization that controlled and financed the net of legal and especially illegal communist parties all over the world. For communist parties Comintern was not only a source of funding, but also logistical background, a place for recovery, restructuring and training of their staff. Preparing for armed insurrection and guerrilla warfare was a significant component in the training of party staff in the Soviet Union in 1920–1937. Instructions and courses differed from time to time and from party to party but they always had the immanent backbone – to consider the civil war and revolution as the basic way to install the communist régime. The lectures were based on the knowledge and methods collected during the Russian revolution and civil war and during unsuccessful rebellions in Germany, Estonia, Bulgaria, Hungary, China etc. There were different levels of military training according to the skill and capabilities of the students: partisan training courses in common Comintern faculties, Military-partisan Academy under K. Swierczewsky and for the most upgraded – partisan and saboteur or military schools of Red Army. All the segments of partisan education were controlled by soviet military intelligence. The key feature of Comintern’s „partisan training“ was exceptional brevity and conciseness of the program. It was achieved because: all the general and introductory information was eliminated, the students were carefully selected, there was used a system of active interchange of knowledge between students and lecturers („learning from the students“). The training activities of Comintern in the USSR were stopped in 193, and after the Civil war in Spain begun military trainings courses for foreign communist staff were transferred to the Iberian peninsular. The Civil war in Spain became a real practical exam for partisan forces and instructors of Comintern and all the communist parties in its net.

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