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Editorial Board
Ivo Goldstein, Faculty of Philosophy University of Zagreb, CRO
Erik Gordi, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London, UK
Egidio Ivetić, Universita degli Studi di Padova, ITA
Dušan Janjić, Institute of Social Sciences, SRB
Predrag Matvejević, La Sapienza, ITA.
Anđelka Mihajlov, Public Policy Institute, SRB
Aleksandar Mirković, Eastern Michigan University, US
Marc Pilkington, University of Burgundy, FRA
Ognjen Radonjić, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, SRB
Christine Sinapi, CEREN/Burgundy School of Business, Dijon, France
Pritam Singh, Oxford Brookes University, Oxford, UK
Aleksandra Stupar, Faculty of Architecture, University of Belgrade, SRB
Darko Tanasković, Permanent Delegation of the Republic of Serbia to UNESCO, FRA
Faruk Ulgen, Centre de Recherche en Economie de Grenoble and
Faculty of Economics, University of Grenoble Alpes, FRA
Josip Vrandečić, Faculty of Philosophy University of Split, CRO
Editor-in-Chief
Nikola Samardžić, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, SRB
Published by
HESPERIAedu, Belgrade, Serbia
Publisher
Zorica Stablović Bulajić
Technical Secretariat
Haris Dajč
Maja Vasiljević (sekretar/secretary)
Ivana Stojanović
Pages
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- Restitution of Jewish Property as an Ongoing Moral and Legal Issue
- Summary/Abstract: This article aims to survey the post war Jewish property restitution legislation, trying to present the different legal arrangements created over the years. Some 73 years after WWII, the issue of restitution of Jewish property remains un settled. Complication created both by lengthy time difference from the wrong doing and the creation of the legal remedies, and various international agreement, bring us to look into practical legal solution to this problem. One of which could be the newly adopted restitution law in the Republic of Serbia.
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- Restitution of Jewish Property in Croatia
- Summary/Abstract: This paper discusses the restitution of Jewish property in Croatia from 1990 on, having in mind that the question has not yet been resolved and that progress towards this has been very slow due to sketchy laws which are being implemented only partially. This issue usually receives more attention only when a Croatian government figure meets someone from Israel or the US Administration. Current legislature enables restitution only of Jewish property seized after 1945, while property seized during the NDH (Independent state of Croatia) remained intact, “protected” by laws passed at the time of Yugoslavia. Current restitution of seized property is performed according to the Law on Restitution/Compensation of Property Taken during the Time of the Yugoslav Communist Government, which came into effect in 1997, so the right to restitution or compensation applies only to Croatian citizens of the first order of succession. That property seized between 1941 and 1945 is not restituted is still an accepted practice, despite the fact that it is in this period when the majority of Jewish property was seized. The right to restitution is still limited to the first order of succession, while the deadline for applications remains too short. Towards the end of mandate of the Jadranka Kosor government there were some attempts to change that and enact a new law, but the proposal for that law got stuck somewhere in parliamentary procedure so it is not yet clear when it will be passed. Until now, judging by unofficial data, less than 30 percent of Jewish families of those who perished in the NDH have achieved the return of immobile property, so the government of Prime Minister Zoran Milanović donated a building in the centre of Zagreb to the Jewish municipality, as a kind of compensation for property seized during Ustasha regime.
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- Revisiting the Washington Consensus Debate Today
- Summary/Abstract: During the 1990’s, emerging economies largely engaged in financial liberalization process, following the prescriptions (or commandments) of international institutions, namely the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Yet, at the end of the nineties, instead of experiencing the promised economic growth, the more financially integrated emerging economies were hit by major financial crises of severe economic impact. We examine, in this paper, the way international institutions reacted to the apparent failure of their economic models and predictions. We synthetize the main arguments of the theoretical debate that followed the 1990’s emerging economies crises, and the way international institutions incorporated it, in the form of the so-called ”Augmented Washington Consensus“ (AWC). We observe that the standard economic views endorsed by the IMF did recognize that liberalizations policies and crises were related in emerging economies. They however failed to admit that financial liberalization may be among the causes of the instability, blaming instead the process of implementation (too rapid or disordered) of liberalization and/or some pre-existing macroeconomic insufficiencies, such as lacking fiscal discipline or inadequate legal and regulatory framework. We argue, in this paper, that although the IMF proved able to adjust its views in the face of undisputable facts, this adjustments remain insufficient and the dominant economic views regarding financial liberalization keep a dogmatic character. Regarding policy recommendation changes, they mainly focus on institutional development objectives, added in the AWC. This is obviously a highly desirable target. However, we argue that the standard approaches of institutions endorsed by international institutions, which primarily address asymmetries of information effects, globally miss the point. Institutions of financial systems need to be incorporated to the analysis first – and not added afterword. They require to be assessed in the historical context and stage of development of each economy. In this perspective, Minsky’s approach of financial instability and institutional mechanisms constitutes in our view a promising theoretical alternative. Today, international institutions are once more providing both help and policy ”recommendations“ to emerging economies, often pushing governments to adopt policies denied by their population. Revisiting the debate around the Washington consensus and financial liberalization proves an unclosed subject.
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- Revolutions of 1848 And 1956 – Paradigm of Building the National Identity of Hungarians
- Summary/Abstract: The national identity of the Hungarians was built in several stages and several directions during the process of historical longevity. Firstly, it had been profiled through the anti-Ottoman and anti-Habsburg struggle; later on it was formed as unification of the territories under the Crown of St. Stephan, to receive later on anti-Russian and anti-Soviet features. The Revolutions of 1848/1849 and 1956 are particularly characteristic in this respect. The national defeats that followed the aforementioned Revolutions were consolidated by the anti-Habsburg and anti-Turkish tones / 1848 /, and especially anti-Soviet / 1956 /. Thus, the cult of freedom, national sacrifice and tragedy, which was dominant earlier too, has now been upgraded into one of the most important components of the contemporary national identity of Hungarians, particularly highlighted by the reflection of the events of the fall of the Berlin Wall and of Accession to the EU and NATO.
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- Rewriting the 1120s
- Summary/Abstract: The reign of Emperor John II Komnenos (1118–1143) has traditionally been overlooked by scholars due to an apparent lack of source material, particularly in comparison to his father and son, Alexios I and Manuel I. As such, developments from this period tend to be examined in broader bilateral studies examining Byzantine dealings with peoples such as Serbs, Hungarians, Turks and Venetians separately, or only in reference to one region, or another figure, and the same goes for Crusader and Islamic polities later in the reign. This is despite the fact that John’s reign, occurring between the First and Second Crusades, occurred at a crucial time in Eurasian history, when Western Europe and the Middle East entered a new phase of contact on account of the Crusades. Byzantium was still, arguably, the most powerful Christian nation, and examining how the formerly unquestioned hegemonic power dealt with the rising powers of the Normans, Turks, Italian maritime republics and others deserved study if these developments are to be understood at all. As such, this paper aims to expose the changes in our analysis that result from the incorporation of non-traditional source material, highlighting how John’s reign as a whole should be re-examined with this methodology. Using the years 1123–1126 as a case study, the dividends such a methodology can pay will also be shown through analysis of Byzantine foreign policy in this period, as a previously overlooked crisis occurred for John’s regime in 1126.
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- Several Ideas on Holocaust and Restitution in Historical Overview
- Summary/Abstract: The restitution process started in Eastern Europe only after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union (1989–1991). While the Holocaust was the official policy of Nazi Germany from 1941, denials of the Holocaust were associated both with the radical, neo-fascist political right, and certain intellectual circles or individuals belonging to the radical left, generally associated with support or cooperation with communist Cold War regimes, or authoritarian regimes after the fall of communism. The ideological, and especially the revolutionary left was dividing the world into exploiters and exploited, questioning both the values and private property, and human suffering. Public debate on the draft law on the elimination of the consequences of seizing the assets of Holocaust victims and regulation of Jewish heirless property looted during the Holocaust began on December 18, 2015. It was anticipated that the Government of Republic of Serbia should launch a legislative initiative by the end of 2015. Already announced restitution model should be related to the Jewish national and religious communities network. The model applied in the Slovak Republic foresaw monetary compensation paid to the Union of Jewish Religious Communities as a consequence of negotiations between the government and the representatives of the Jewish community.
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- Simbolički koreni fašizma. Nastanak rimskog fascisa kao konsekracionog instrumenta i insignije vlasti
- Summary/Abstract: In the article the authors are dealing with the function and meaning of fascis in the time of its shaping in ancient Roman monarchy. Like the spear, bundle of rods and axe were perceived as the sign of power in their consecration capacity. Fascis was designed and came to being in order to supply Jupiter with heads and Diana with the blood of citizens of allied cities of Rome. Only later it was introduced as the tool for the punishment of Romans – first outside of finally within the pomerium. Symbolically, it was used to demonstrate the superiority of royal imperium over the liberty of citizens.
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- Soviet-Yugoslav Reconciliation as a Basis for Understanding Tito’s Role in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956
- Summary/Abstract: This paper analyzes Soviet-Yugoslav relations in the context of the first major crisis between the two countries that started in 1948. The focus is on the period after Stalin’s death, which was followed by a period of detente and reconciliation. This process was not without tensions because the interests of the two countries were in opposition to one another. While the Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev, wanted to return Yugoslavia to the Soviet sphere of influence, Tito considered Yugoslav independence won during the conflict with Stalin as his foreign policy priority. Due to these circumstances, the Hungarian rebellion in the autumn of 1956 against the Soviet occupation was the catalyst for further development of relations between Yugoslavia and the USSR, and these relations are a necessary frame of reference for understanding the politics of Yugoslavia during this Hungarian crisis.
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- Spomen-obilježja u Crnoj Gori s osvrtom na normativnu i institucionalnu zaštitu
- Summary/Abstract: Along with placing monuments in public spaces, its official culture of social community’s memory was being built, encouraged by those who initiated the activities, who enabled and performed them. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to offer a review of the memorials, or the most recognizable and the most numerous segment of the memorial cultural heritage of Montenegro. It will be done from the perspective of the current national legislative that regulates the field in question, considering that this type of heritage is subjected to the provisions of two laws: the Law on Monuments (2008) and the Law on Protection of Cultural Property (2010). Related to that, these monuments can posses status of the memorials or the status of the cultural property provided by law, from which their further legal and institutional treatment and protection depends.
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- Spomen-obilježja u Crnoj Gori s osvrtom na normativnu i institucionalnu zaštitu
- Summary/Abstract: Along with placing monuments in public spaces, its official culture of social community’s memory was being built, encouraged by those who initiated the activities, who enabled and performed them. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to offer a review of the memorials, or the most recognizable and the most numerous segment of the memorial cultural heritage of Montenegro. It will be done from the perspective of the current national legislative that regulates the field in question, considering that this type of heritage is subjected to the provisions of two laws: the Law on Monuments (2008) and the Law on Protection of Cultural Property (2010). Related to that, these monuments can posses status of the memorials or the status of the cultural property provided by law, from which their further legal and institutional treatment and protection depends.
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- Sudbina jevrejskog kapitala tokom nemačke okupacije Srbije 1941-1944
- Summary/Abstract: In Serbian historiography still remained insufficiently investigated the issue of the role and significance of certain German banks in transferring Jewish capital from Serbian banks during WW II. This article to, through analysis of relevant historical sources and literature, point out very clear principles and exceptionally precise methods used by German occupation authorities, together with most important German financial institutions, while conducting so called ’racist experiment’ in Serbian banking. That experiment included targeting and takeover of Serbian bank with highest concentration of Jewish financial capital in Yugoslavia, Aryanization of personnel, detailed inventory of Jewish financial capital in banks from territory controlled by German occupation authorities in Serbia, redirection of that capital to German bank affiliation in Belgrade and, finally, its transfer to the vaults of ’Deutsche Bank’ in Germany.