Istorija 20. veka

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Journal Istorija 20.veka (History of the 20th Century) is continually published biannually from 1983. Journal considers previously unpublished manuscripts of articles and scholarly contributions whose object is contemporary history of Serbia, former Yugoslavia and the Balkans in European and global context. Articles are expected to be interdisciplinary, based on original archival researches. Journal publishes articles that critically investigate social, cultural, economic and intellectual developments of 20th century. All received manuscripts are a subject to a double-blind external peer review process. In order to be accepted the manuscripts need to be deemed publishable by the editorial board and two anonymous reviewers. Articles are published in Serbian and English, and in other languages should the need arise.
Journal is included in SCOPUS, ERIH PLUS index (European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences), Central and Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL) and Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ). According to the categorization of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia, since 2015 it carries the category “National Journal of International Importance (M24)”. History of the 20th Century is an Open Access Journal.
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ISSN 0352-3160
eISSN 2560-3647
doi 10.29362/ist20veka


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ALEKSA ĐILAS О GRANICAMA »OSPORAVANE ZEMLJE «
ALEKSA ĐILAS О GRANICAMA »OSPORAVANE ZEMLJE «
Knjiga Alekse Đilasa, naučnog saradnika Univerziteta Harvard, »Osporavana zemlja« nastavlja niz monografija о nacionalnom pitanju na jugoslovenskom tlu (G. Vlajčić, D. Pešić i dr.). Ova istorijsko-sociološka studija utemeljeno je na višestranoj bogatoj domaćoj izvornoj podlozi i konsultovanju velikog broja naslova, uglavnom, inostrane provinijencije. Kroz Uvod, šest poglavlja i Zaključak autor vodi nacionalno pitanje jugoslovenskih naroda od vremena Marije Terezije do «vrhunca jugoslovenstva« sredinom 50-tih godina ovog veka. Kako som autor kaže, on u ovoj studiji nije imao nameru da sveobuhvatno prikaže partijsku politiku jugoslovenskih komunista prema jugoslovenskom jedinstvu, već da ukaže na sociološke i istorijske činioce koji su tu poiltiku određivali.
ANDREJ MITROVIĆ, PROPITIVANJE KLIO, OGLEDI О TEORIJSKOM U ISTORIOGRAFIJI
ANDREJ MITROVIĆ, PROPITIVANJE KLIO, OGLEDI О TEORIJSKOM U ISTORIOGRAFIJI
Pred nama je jedna od retkih knjiga, knjiga koje se u jugoslovenskoj istoriografiji pojavljuju u razmaku nekoliko decenija. Sadržaj »Propitivanja Klio« je sledeći: Umesto uvoda (7-24) sa odeljkom »O istorijskoj nauci« (9-24) u kome se razmatraju: pojam istoriografije, odlike naučne istoriografije, odnos istorijske nauke i drugih istorijskih vrsta i »problem istine istorijske nauke«. Prvi veliki od tri tematska bloka u knjizi nosi naslov Pojave u međunarodnoj istoriografiji (27-59). U njemu su posebni ogledi »Samosvest struke istoričareve« (27-30), »Klio opet postaje ćudljiva« (31-35), »Stoleće zlih« (36-40), »Proroci i istraživači« (41- 47), »Sadašnjost i istoričarevo shvatanje« (48-54), »Smrt crnog dvoglavog orla« (55-59). Drugi tematski blok Podsticaji iz domaće istoriografije« (61-98) ima odeljke: »Istorija srpskog naroda« (63-65), »Moderno u Srbiji, od istorije inžinjerstva do novog viđenja i novog cilja istoriografije« (66-69), »Govor jedne bibliografije - istorijski izvori za pojavu i širenje moderne u Srba« (70-74), »Sugestije о podeljenoj istoriji - О istorijskoj svesti i stvarnosti istorije« (75-82), »Dopuna istorijske svesti« (83-86), »Istorija dosegnuta svakodnevicom« (87-91), »Emigracije« (92-98). Treći tematski blok Proučavanje istraživnaja istorije (99—181) najveći je, čini zapravo polovinu knjige, i sadrži sledeće oglede: »Delakroin Homer« (101-104), »Pisati istoriju kako je uistinu bilo - razmatranje о smislu načela objektivnosti« (105-136), »Neistovetnost proučavaoca i proučavanog - napomene о subjektu i objektu istraživanja istorije« (137-146), »Misliti teorijski u istoriografiji?« (147-181). Na kraju knjige na jednoj stranici (182) autor je dao, u vidu napomene, Podatke о tekstovima, gde je sadržano poreklo pojedinih delova knjige. Oni su uglavnom prethodno bili objavljeni kao posebni tekstovi od 1970. na ovamo, a najviše 90-tih godina u raznim časopisima i listovima (»Istorijski časopis«, »Vojnoistorijski glasnik«, »Glasnik Odeljenja društvenih nauka CANU«, »Godišnjak za društvenu isloriju«, »Treći program« Radio-Beograda, »Politika«, »Književne novine« i dr.) ili su izlagani na međunarodnim naučnim skupovima.
ANTANTA I ANEKSIONA KRIZA (1908 - 1909)
ANTANTA I ANEKSIONA KRIZA (1908 - 1909)
The Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was based on the resolution of the Berlin Congress held in 1878. The decision made by the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1908 to annex Bosnia and Herzegovina provoked an international crisis. The countries of the Triple Entente - England, France and Russia, strongly censured this accomplished act policy and supported the defiance manifested towards the »black and yellow« Monarchy on the part of Serbia and Montenegro, both of them countries with an immediate interest in the issue. Montenegro soon left the diplomatic initiative to Serbia which associated its diplomatic activity with that of Tzarist Russia. Mighty Germ any was the only country which sided, with the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy while Italy, although a part of the Tripartite Alliance, hesitated, distrustful of the German plans for conquest. In the ensuing diplomatic duel between the two opposing sides, the Entente was defeated. This defeat was most suffered by Serbia and Russia. Serbia, which had been preparing for war, was obliged to discharge its volunteer troops, withdraw the army from the border, return the state of its armed forces to that of the spring of 1908 and maintain peaceful relations with the Austro -Hungarian Monarchy. Russia, seeing itself as the Slavic patron, felt it had not fulfilled its obligation towards Serbia after having aroused the hopes of both Serbia and Montenegro for a favorable solution of the Bosnian issue. As far as France and England were concerned, however, the whole issue had just been an unpleasant episode which they wished to forget.
ANTI-SEMITIC PROPAGANDA AND LEGISLATION IN SERBIA 1939–1942
ANTI-SEMITIC PROPAGANDA AND LEGISLATION IN SERBIA 1939–1942
The paper analyzes the historical context, content, and aims of the organized anti-Semitic propaganda and legislation in the final year prior to the occupation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and in occupied Serbia. Both direct and indirect anti-Semitic orders and decrees have been thoroughly analyzed, while the propaganda has been gleaned from the writings of influential daily newspapers, magazines, and journals, and special events such as the Great Anti-masonic (1941) and Anti-communist exhibition (1942). An attempt has been made to show the predominant role of the German factor in both legislation and propaganda, although the responsibility of the local authorities is also discussed. The paper derives its information from research mainly done on primary historical sources such as the official decrees of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the German military commander in Serbia, and Milan Nedić’s Government, as well as the influential press published at the time.
ARAPSKO-IZRAELSKI RAT 1967. GODINEI JUGOSLOVENSKO-AMERIČKI ODNOSI
ARAPSKO-IZRAELSKI RAT 1967. GODINEI JUGOSLOVENSKO-AMERIČKI ODNOSI
The attempts of Yugoslav officials to step in as important protagonists in the resolution of the crisis in the Middle East significantly affected the currents of relations between Yugoslavia and the Unites States. Although the contacts between these two sides intensified visibly, mutual animosities and suspicions grew as well. Giving an unreserved support to the Arab countries, Yugoslavia was organizing a sharp political campaign, directed not only against the Tel Aviv regime, but also against policies of the US. At the same time, Yugoslavia was aligning more closely to the socialist states in a way unprecedented since 1948. The awareness that this strengthening of the prestige of Yugoslavia in the non-aligned world has damaged its preceding balanced policy towards blocks caused a temporary toning down of the anti-American campaign in Belgrade, as well as the launch of frequent diplomatic initiatives aimed to negotiate between USA and both USSR and the Arab countries, in order to achieve mutually acceptable solution. American president Johnson acknowledged those initiatives with great attention, bearing in mind the reputation of Yugoslavia in Arab countries, but also the significant influence it might exercise upon Soviet Union in the context of the crisis. Johnson had even written to Tito, who wrote back. Tito has to some extent succeeded to fulfill the expectation of Washington. He convinced Arabs to drop their revanchist plans and acknowledge the integrity of Israel. The general failure to find a peaceful solution for the Middle-Eastern crisis had a negative impact on the relations between Yugoslavia and USA during 1967 and in the following period. The support to different sides in conflict was a permanent source of crisis in those relations and generated their confrontation in the UN. However, the undisputed interest of both sides in the maintenance of basic economical and political cooperation has prevented the factors of their conflict from overcoming the factors of their cooperation.
Agrarna politika Milana Stojadinovića
Agrarna politika Milana Stojadinovića
Article about the agricultural policy of Stojadinovic Milan.
Analfabetski kursevi u vojsci Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije 1918–1941.
Analfabetski kursevi u vojsci Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije 1918–1941.
After the end of the First World War, the newly formed state of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/ Kingdom of Yugoslavia was burdened with a Distinctive set of challenges reflecting its political and economic development rate, as well as cultural heritage. Different laws and systems of elementary education pointed at inequality and the need to create a unique organization. Statistical data show that northern and western parts of the country were at a much higher level of cultural and educational development, whereas in the south and other underdeveloped areas illiteracy rate was even up to 90%. The significant number of illiterate people was among the female population, reflecting the fact that patriarchal society did not recognize emancipation of women. Therefore, the aim of the state was to improve the educational status of young people by opening as many elementary schools as possible, particularly in underdeveloped and distant areas, as well as training the teachers. One of the taken measures was organizing analphabetic courses, with the aim of teaching the population deprived of schooling to read and write within a short period of time. The military also participated in these activities, given that all healthy and capable male population had to pass through it. Military authorities and units treated the problem of illiteracy very seri ously, showing the same amount of effort as civil organizations in addressing the illiteracy. Serious approach and clear strategy were particularly prominent in 1930s, when this activity gained a legal support. Ultimately, a number of anal phabetic courses in the armed forces was twice as high then in the civilian popu lation, and the number of its trained analphabets was higher as well. The re search indicates that the military had an important role in raising the educational level of its recruits, particularly those from southern areas of the country.
Anglofilske organizacije u Beogradu između dva svetska rata
Anglofilske organizacije u Beogradu između dva svetska rata
The early pha­se of the re­la­ti­ons bet­we­en Ser­bian and An­glo-Sa­xon cul­tu­re is not wi­dely known, due to the po­li­ti­cal events and di­scon­ti­nu­i­ti­es in Ser­bian 20th cen­tury hi­story. The first la­sting cul­tu­ral re­la­ti­ons with Gre­at Bri­tain we­re esta­blis­hed du­ring WWI. Bri­tish and bi­la­te­ral or­ga­ni­za­ti­ons bet­we­en the World Wars can be re­gar­ded as two in­ter­con­nec­ted net­works. One of them was for­med du­ring WWI and soon af­ter, con­si­sting of or­ga­ni­za­ti­ons de­a­ling with cha­rity and edu­ca­tion of the Ser­bian sol­di­ers and ci­vil­li­ans. The ot­her con­sists ma­inly of or­ga­ni­za­ti­ons esta­blis­hed bet­we­en the World Wars, de­a­ling with Bri­tish pro­pa­gan­da, cul­tu­ral as well as po­li­ti­cal. The­re we­re fi­ve of tho­se in Bel­gra­de: The An­glo-Ame­ri­can-Yugo­slav Club, The So­ci­ety of Fri­ends of Gre­at Bri­tain and Ame­ri­ca, The So­ci­ety for Pro­mo­ting An­glo-Sa­xon Cul­tu­re in Yugo­sla­via, The Union of For­mer Stu­dents in Gre­at Bri­tain, and The Union of Stu­dents of the En­glish Lan­gu­a­ge and Li­te­ra­tu­re in Bel­gra­de. The­ir ac­ti­vi­ti­es we­re co­or­di­na­ted from Lon­don by the Yugo­slav So­ci­ety of Gre­at Bri­tain (R.W.Se­ton-Wat­son) and the Bri­tish Co­un­cil, as well as by the Yugo­slav-Bri­tish In­sti­tu­te from 1940 on­wards. The mem­bers of the­se so­ci­e­ti­es we­re mostly edu­ca­ted in Bri­tain du­ring and af­ter the WWI. The most ac­ti­ve and nu­me­ro­us among the­se we­re the An­glo-Ame­ri­can-Yugo­slav Club and the So­ci­ety of Fri­ends of Gre­at Bri­tain and Ame­ri­ca. The Club had a bro­a­der cir­cle of mem­bers, whe­re­as the So­ci­ety was mo­re ex­clu­si­ve as to its po­li­ti­cal ori­en­ta­tion. Jo­van Jo­va­no­vić, the for­mer mi­ni­ster and a di­plo­mat, le­a­der of the Ser­bian Agra­rian Party, and Vla­de­ta Po­po­vić, Head of the Cha­ir for En­glish lan­gu­a­ge and li­te­ra­tu­re and a clo­se col­la­bo­ra­tor of the Bri­tish Co­un­cil, played by far the most im­por­tant part in the Bri­tish cul­tu­ral pro­pa­gan­da in Bel­gra­de. As for the­ir ide­o­logy, the Bel­gra­de an­glop­hi­les sha­red li­be­ral and de­moc­ra­tic va­lu­es and, with few ex­cep­ti­ons, be­li­e­ved in „Yugo­sla­vi­a­nism“ and pro­mo­ted the idea of the fe­de­ral, de­cen­tra­li­zed sta­te.
Armija – oslonac Titovog kulta ličnosti 1945–1954
Armija – oslonac Titovog kulta ličnosti 1945–1954
The creation and development of the personality cult of Marshal Tito in the Yugoslav army in the first decade after War have been analyzed in the article. The distinguishing characteristics and the creation of mythologization have been pointed out, the parallel between Tito’s and Stalin’s cults have been drawn. The article also illustrates the first elements of life at court, greater security and their further development to the system. It has been indicated that in the period between 1945 and 1948, Tito’s cult, in many ways, resembled Stalin’s cult. However, after the conflict between the two of them in 1948, many distinctive characteristics of Tito’s cult appeared, especially developed by the army. Tito’s cult had been created and deepened by his visits to army units and vice versa, songs, slogans, swearing on him, and other manifestations (the one that has especially been emphasized is carrying baton ceremony). When everything is considered, Tito’s military surrounding was of great significance for the development of his cult in society but his appearance in uniform in public was also the demonstration of mutual reliance between Tito and the army, especially at the critical moments when it served to emphasize the military component of Tito’s rule and to give a signal to inner and foreign policy and public.
Aćif Hadžiahmetović Bljuta
Aćif Hadžiahmetović Bljuta
Acif Hadžiahmetovic Bljuta was one of the most prominent political leaders in the first half of the 20 th century in the Sandžak area. In recent political events it name brought back the controversy over his role during the Second World War and its relations to the local Serbs. Born Albanian and raised in Novi Pazar as the member of the prominent family, Bljuta served as officer in the Turkish Army during the First World War. He retur-ned to Yugoslavia and became member of the Islamic community and twice in the Parliament until 1925, and again since 1938. Bljuta was very popular among the Muslim population of Sandžak, as a very religious and well-known merchant and local politician. After the occupation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (including Ser-bia) in April 1941, Bljuta supported the German occupation. He took the local power introducing the forced Albanisation of the Muslim population, harsh conditions to the local Serbs. He supported the idea of the Sandzak joining the Greater Albania. As effect of this policy, local Serbs organized themselves in the Chetnik resistance, which led to severe clashes in the au-tumn 1941. He personally took part in the fighting. On the other side, the German military authorities were also suspicious on his pro-Albanian ideas and putted Bljuta on measures of restricted movement and political acting.
BALKAN POSLE DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA - ZBORNIK RADOVA SA NAUČNOG SKUPA
BALKAN POSLE DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA - ZBORNIK RADOVA SA NAUČNOG SKUPA
Nedavno je u izdanju Instituta za savremenu istoriju izašao zbornik radova BALKAN POSLE DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA (The Balkans After the Second World War). U njemu su sakupljeni radovi saopšteni na naučnom skupu posvećenom 50-godišnjici završetka Drugog svetskog rata. Na stranicama knjige našli su se radovi četrdesetak naučnika iz zemlje i sveta, koji su nastojali da osvetle i objasne pojedina pitanja i time uobliče novu predstavu о Balkanu u proteklim decenijama. Pedeset godina je dovoljno vremena da se prethodna znanja о tom delu Evrope izmene ili prošire novim podacima i viđenjima, kao i otvaranjem novih problema.

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