Vojnoistorijski glasnik

Primary tabs

Vojnoistorijski glasnik is a scientific journal of the Institute for Strategic Research. The journal was founded in 1950 as a journal of the Military History Institute and in the meantime has undergone many changes in terms of concept, content, design and frequency of publication.


Pages

Приказ
Приказ
Summary/Abstract: Prikaz/The review of: Александар Узелац, Под сенком пса – Татари и јужнословенске земље у другој половини XIII века, Утопија, Београд 2015, 321 стр.
Приказ
Приказ
Summary/Abstract: Prikaz/The review of: Милић J. Милићевић, На погрешној обали. Пораз трупа Тимочке дивизије у бици код Чеврнтије (на Легету) 6. септембра 1914. године, Завод за уџбенике Београд 2015, 138 стр.
Приказ
Приказ
Summary/Abstract: Prikaz/The review of: Немања Девић, Смедеревски крај у Другом светском рату: људи и догађаји, Институт за савремену историју, Београд 2015, 508 стр.
Приказ
Приказ
Summary/Abstract: Prikaz/The review of: Бојан Б. Димитријевић, Модернизација и интервенција. Југословенске оклопне јединице 1945–2006, Институт за савремену историју, Београд, 2010, 406
Приказ
Приказ
Summary/Abstract: Prikaz/The review of: Момчило Спремић, Србија и Венеција (VI–XVI век), Службени гласник, Београд 2014, 340 стр.
Приказ
Приказ
Summary/Abstract: Prikaz/The review of: Милисав И. Курмазовић, Наш комесар Алекса: живот и дело Алексе Дејовића политичког комесара II пролетерске ударне бригаде, Градски одбор Савеза удружења бораца Народноослободилачког рата, Ужице 2015, 212 стр.
Приказ
Приказ
Summary/Abstract: Prikaz/The review of: Славко Бурзановић, Министарство војно, Зборник докумената (1879–1916), ЦИД Подгорица, 2010, 572
Прикази
Прикази
Summary/Abstract: Срђан Божовић, Дивизија „Принц Еуген”, Народни музеј Панчево, Панчево 2011, 273 стр. Јован Антић, Запажања, (приредили Бора Димитријевић и Јелица Илић), Задужбина „Никола Пашић” и Народни Музеј „Зајечар”, Зајечар 2014, 130 стр. Петар Живковић, Сећања 1903-1946 (приредио Александар Животић), Задужбина „Никола Пашић” и Народни Музеј „Зајечар”, Зајечар 2016, 194 стр. 1945. крај или нови почетак?, тематски зборник радова, (ур. Зоран Јањетовић), Институт за новију историју Србије, Музеј Жртава геноцида, Београд, 2016, 625 стр. Александар Животић, Југословенско совјетске војне супротности (1947-1957). искушења савезништва, Архипелаг, Институт за новију историју Србије, Београд 2015, 266 стр. Драгомир Бонџић, Између амбиција и илузија, нуклеарна политика Југославије 1945-1990, Институт за савремену историју, Друштво историчара Србије, Београд 2016, 460 стр.
Прилог познавању хеленистичке фортификације на југоисточном Јадрану
Прилог познавању хеленистичке фортификације на југоисточном Јадрану
Summary/Abstract: Among several hundred Iron Age fortified settlements found in the southeastern Adriatic area and its hinterlands are some fifty indigenous strongholds that embed typical engineering solutions of Hellenistic fortifications, including dry stone ramparts with rectangular towers made of worked stone parallelepipeds, trapezoidal and polygonal blocks, constructed in so-called cyclopean masonry. Most of these structures, such are Daorson in Bosnia and Herzegovina; Rhizon, Buthua, Oulkynion, Meton in Montenegro; and Scodra, Lissos, Byllis, Nikaia, Orikos, Amantia in Albania, are dated to the period from the 4th to the 2nd centuries, B.C., and were made through the enlargement of Iron Age strongholds. Key elements of these fortifications (stone work, design of ramparts, towers, and entrances) have similarities with many Hellenistic forts in Greece, but their application is selective, unequally elaborated, and often gradual. The architecture of these forts, their dating and distribution in spa¬e, and historical context, may have influenced changes in military ta¬ti¬s. The design of these structures may have been brought by mercenaries returning from wars in Greece and the Hellenistic East in the 4th and the 3rd century, B.C., to their homeland in the southeastern Adriatic region.
Проблеми на југословенско-албанској граници 1929–1941.
Проблеми на југословенско-албанској граници 1929–1941.
Summary/Abstract: The Yugoslav government hired Albanian mercenaries and emigrants to stabilize the troubled border with Albania. Individuals who collaborated with the Yugoslav authorities were criminals, who used the situation to carry out their jobs, and anti-Yugoslav Albanian agents. The big problem was represented by frequent incursions of outlaws across the Yugoslav-Albanian border, robbing and smuggling weapons. The Yugoslav authorities only partially solved this problem in 1924, and because of the tribal solidarity of Kosovo Albanians and the power of idea of a Greater Albania, Albanian irredentism erupted during the period before World War II. Groups of ”kačaks” actively operated their shares from the beginning 1930 with the support of Italy. Almost every day thereafter, illegal border crossings and frequent clashes with the Yugoslav gеndarmeriе took place. It was necessary to solve the issue of regulating the border zone, as well as its provision by the divisional border areas.
Програмска опредељења српских владајућих политичких странака (1881-1903) о уређењу војске
Програмска опредељења српских владајућих политичких странака (1881-1903) о уређењу војске
Summary/Abstract: In this paper, programme decisions with respect to military organization of Serbian armed forces of the three most significant political parties, which were on power at the end of the XIX and the beginning of the XX century: National Liberal Party, Serbian Progressive Party and National Radical Party are presented. Each of these three political parties, either while they were on power or when they were the opposition, stated their political programmes in which they wrote, apart from internal and external policy issues, independence, organization of the state and education, also about the organization of Serbian armed forces which represent an important factor in the defence of independence and achievement of broader national aims presented in the political programmes. Through the attitudes of the political parties towards the organization and the role of Serbian armed forces in internal and external policy, basic political principles were projected and their ideological and political nature depicted.
Процене врха ЈНА о политичким и безбедоносним приликама у Чехословачкој након интервенције Варшавског уговора (1968–1969)
Процене врха ЈНА о политичким и безбедоносним приликама у Чехословачкој након интервенције Варшавског уговора (1968–1969)
Summary/Abstract: The military intervention of five Warsaw Pact countries in Czechoslovakia is one of the events in the postwar history of Europe that marked the era of the Cold War. The so-called Brezhnev Doctrine on limited sovereignty reached its practical manifestation. This doctrine meant that the member country of the WP cannot act independently eighter in national or in international relations. It is logical that member country of any military political alliance does not have full capacity of sovereignty. Member country renounced it for other values and objectives, which they can achieve by being members of a particular alliance. In connection with this there is a particular problem if the „limited sovereignty" is possible at all, or does every partial violation of sovereignty actually mean its complete abolition? Military invasion of five armies into Czechoslovakia did not meet the planned and systematic response of the Czechoslovakia National Army and law enforcement. The Yugoslav military and diplomatic authorities as well as envoys of the League of Communists, were carefully monitoring and reporting on the ferment in the former Czechoslovakia. During the crisis, Yugoslavia did not behave like a non interested observer, but it supported the new management, wishing it to take the path of a „self-governing socialism“ as well by the Yugoslav model. However, things in Czechoslovakia went too far in just a few months, the Yugoslav example was outdone, the multi-party system was renewed and the Communists were unseated from all the crucial positions in society, mostly in the media. After the intervention, Yugoslavia continued for some more time to support the political course that ruled in the former Czechoslovakia between January and August 1968, in that way getting on the wrong side of Moscow.

Pages